Unbound Feet: A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco (29 page)

The work lives of second-generation women attest to the extent of
racial and sex discrimination they faced in the labor market and the ways
in which they were able to cope. Most accommodated by making the
most of their limited circumstances; some went to China for better economic opportunities. Even though discrimination in the work world often stopped them from fulfilling their potential in their chosen occupational fields, Chinese American women managed to earn enough to
support themselves and, more often than not, help out their families. At
the same time, their work experiences drew them away from the influences of their cultural upbringing at home and further into the public
arena, broadening their outlook in life and encouraging them in the direction of American consumerism and modern living.

A Segregated Social Life

Second-generation Chinese Americans came of age during a decade of revolutionary change in the country's manners and morals caused by the convergence of postwar prosperity and rebellious youth.
The 192.os, known as the modern era of flappers, jazz, and gin, was
marked by consumerism promoted by corporate capitalism and social
permissiveness, as manifested in the new codes of collegiate dress,
leisure activities, and sexual mores. It was considered fashionable for
young men to dress in baggy nveeds, knickers, and raccoon coats, while
women wore knee-length dresses, flesh-colored stockings, yellow rain
slickers, and multicolored bandannas. Commercial advertising and Hollywood films projected a carefree life of fun and pleasure to be found in
smoking, drinking, dancing, parties, movies, sports, automobile rides,
and free love; necking and petting were condoned. To be a "new woman"
in the 19 zos was to hold high the banners of individuality, independence,
and self-fulfillment and to find emotional satisfaction and intimacy
through relationships with men.94 In contrast to the women's suffrage
period, feminism was downplayed.

Despite the apparent laxity, there were racial and class limitations as
to who could partake of this carefree lifestyle. Most Chinese Americans
could not. Nevertheless, they, like other American adolescents who were
influenced by what they saw on the silver screen or read about in the
magazines, yearned for the same freedom and excitement in their lives.
Chingwah Lee, a second-generation Chinese American, had this to say
about his peers:

They study Chinese and speak English, admire Confucius or adore Jesus, like Chinese literature, art and festivals, but dance to American music, and motor, hike and attend theaters as do the Americans. Never before had they experienced a change in their racial history more dramatic,
more drastic, and more significant.95

Chinese American women, too, wanted to be part of this new social landscape. Janie Chu, also second generation, observed that the Chinese
American woman

gets her knowledge of social America from the "movies," from the street,
from what she hears from the girls at service in homes. She wants to be
American and she has always a struggle in her mind as to what is right
and what is not right in respect to Occidental thinking. She teems with
the life that urges on this new generation of Americans. She wants excitement and thrills. She wants to live.96

At the same time that economic constraints stopped many Chinese
American women from responding to the mass media's lure of consumerism, traditional concepts of gender roles and racism also made it
difficult for them to partake of this life.97 Although they had rejected
the social life and institutions of their parents' generation, they still could not integrate into mainstream society. Traditional ideas about sex segregation further limited their social activities in Chinatown. Like their
mothers, they were not allowed to join the male-dominated family and
district associations. Political and social organizations started by their
male peers, such as the Chinese American Citizens Alliance, Chinese
YMCA, and Yoke Choy Club, were also off-limits to them. (The bylaws
of the Chinese American Citizens Alliance were not changed to admit
women members until 1973.) Although the Chinese YMCA Board of
Directors was willing to allow girls from the YWCA to attend monthly
socials and Sunday vesper services at the YMCA, they refused their request for use of the gymnasium because board members felt "there would
be community criticism having girls use a boys' building on specified
nights."98 The Chinese students' clubs in the high schools and colleges
were among the few groups to allow coeducational membership. Nor
could Chinese women freely integrate into the larger society. Like other
Americans, they went to the movies and theaters, attended parties and
dances, participated in sports, went hiking and on picnics, but almost all
of these activities occurred in a segregated setting. Nevertheless, their
social life moved them in the direction of defining a gender role and relationship different from that of their mothers-a definition that was
shaped by the influence of assimilation within the limitations imposed
by racism and sexism.

One early sign of their break with tradition-one that even met with
community approval-was the staging of Chinatown's first beauty contest in 19 15. Initiated by the Chinese Six Companies, the competition
for the title of Chinatown queen emulated the American cultural practice of crowning festival queens. The winner-whoever sold the greatest number of raffle tickets-was to preside over Chinatown celebrations
in connection with the Panama-Pacific Exposition. "It wasn't a matter
of intelligence or beauty, just popularity," recalled Rose Yuen Ow, one
of the contestants. As it turned out, wealthy customers at Tait's Cafe,
where she was working, surprised her by sending a $500 check to the
Chinese Six Companies in her name. Bedlam broke out. "So they said
it wasn't right. So everyone fought about it," said Rose. Her father threatened to call out the tongs to settle the matter, but Rose decided to concede the title of Chinatown queen to Rose Lew. A lavish coronation ball
attended by over four hundred Chinese and Western guests was held at
the Fairmont Hotel. According to newspaper accounts, the affair was
bicultural. The queen and her court dressed in Chinese clothing, while
the guests dressed in Western clothing. There was lion dancing as well as dancing to Western music. But so afraid was the queen of further trouble that she did not show up to lead the parade through Chinatown that
evening.99

Despite the mishaps, the event was considered successful, and thereafter it became a tradition in Chinatown to sponsor beauty contests whenever fund-raising needs arose. Although such occasions helped to boost
the self-esteem of Chinese American women by offering them a rare opportunity to take center stage in the public arena, beauty contests were
clearly a form of sexual exploitation. Totally run by male community
leaders, they did little to empower women; rather, Chinese women were
simply used as attractive vehicles to draw tourists and money into the
community.10° Be that as it may, the fact that Chinese women were encouraged to enter beauty contests indicated a change in attitude toward
their public roles in Chinatown.

Perhaps the most extreme challenge to the status quo came from flappers like Flora Belle Jan, who, living on her own and without parental
supervision, didn't think twice about indulging her desires for fashionable clothes and romantic affairs, writing scandalous newspaper columns,
and leading an active social life. But even for liberated women like her,
racial discrimination limited the social expression of "flapperism." While
attending the University of California, Flora Belle was never really part
of the flapper movement; she could not join a sorority or date white boys.
So she became active in the Chinese Students' Alliance, went to Chinese fraternity parties, competed for the title of Chinatown queen, and
dated "Chinatown sheiks," who she said knew how to "shimmy 'Chicago' and tango ... buy candy for the Shebas, take them to the theater,
sing them all kinds of `I've got the blues' songs, and do everything else
that American sheiks indulge in.""' However, her unconventional writings and behavior were too extreme for Chinatown; social ostracism
forced her to consider transferring to the University of Chicago. She
wrote to her friend Ludmelia:

And, Ludie, listen to this-I have been out with so many people for the
past few years that I can't help but be known and notorious, and those
that I meet now, whom I really care to associate with, feel that I am a
friend to too many people, and I cannot be limited to them, so better
friendships are impossible. I put this mildly. My reputation, while not at
stake, is winked at by many people. I didn't use to care-but I can't help
it now. Of course I can never be so wicked as they regard me-but what
is the use of virtue when it isn't recognized? Anyway, I am tired of everybody here-and I want to go away to Chicago, where the distractions of the multitude will not hurt me. There I can perhaps write, and become
a worthwhile personage. Here-mediocrity and the lowering influence
of the masses are harmful. There is no incentive to rise, one has to be
like the others or be criticized.102

Because Flora Belle had grown up in Fresno, where she had been exposed to a broad range of people and experiences, she was more adept
at interethnic mixing than her peers in San Francisco. However, a few
other young women in San Francisco Chinatown had grown up as Americanized and independent as Flora Belle. Florence Lee Loo, for example, initially led a sheltered life, attending Oriental Public School and
Chinese language school. "Not only did I go to Chinese school," she
said, "but my mother even had a Chinese tutor come and tutor us three
sisters in the Chinese classics. Oh, yes, my identification in Chinese is
very strong. We were always taught to be terribly proud of our heritage ... that we are so much more superior than sai vun [Westerners]."
Her parents were relatively well off (her father owned a small cigar factory that employed four workers), liberal minded, and willing to indulge
some of her fancies. Her mother trusted Florence to always do the right
thing. "Because if she forbid nee, she knows I will do it anyway," she
added. For instance, she and her sister were allowed to go horseback riding, a rather expensive sport. As she told the story:

Chinese girls at that time never go horseback riding, but Daisy and I, we
went horseback riding because one summer, we all had the flu, and the
doctor said, go to the country to recuperate. So we went to Fairfax. At
that time, it was not developed at all. And then we got a cabin and it was
very inexpensive. Nearby was a stable for the cowboys and they taught
us how to ride. So when we came back to San Francisco, my, I really
splurged [claps her hands gleefully]. I went to Magnin's and bought myself a hauberk and boots. That time it was very expensive. But I said, I
don't care. I put every cent into my britches and we went riding in Golden
Gate Park.

Not only were the Lee sisters the only Chinese Americans to go horseback riding, but they were also probably among a handful who could afford to vacation in Fairfax and shop at Magnin's department store downtown. While in high school Florence was also allowed to go hiking, swim,
and play tennis, and she went out dancing until two or three o'clock in
the morning. Aside from having liberal, middle-class parents, Florence
also attributed her active social life to having worked outside Chinatown.
"I went to work at this tearoom after school," she said. "All the cus tourers were very, very sweet to me. And I'm an outgoing person anyway, so I got along with lots of them. And they would invite me home
for lunch and tea and things like that. And so, I had a glimpse of another part of society besides my own."103

Christianity also played an important role in acculturating Chinese
girls to American life and middle-class values. Compared to that of Flora
Belle Jan and Florence Lee Loo, the social life of most Chinatown daughters was quite circumscribed. Adherence to traditional gender roles was
constantly enforced by protective parents and reinforced by the watch-
fiil eyes of an insular community. Most of their time and energy was
taken up by school and work, with little left for play. As proper young
women, they were not allowed out unescorted, nor could they socialize
with boys; dating was out of the question. Participation in Christian activities, however, was considered wholesome and safe and was permitted even by non-Christian parents. Indeed, the churches were the first
institutions to provide services to the second generation, including Sunday school, Chinese school, shelters for the homeless, boarding homes
for working girls, and organized recreational activities."'

During the early 19oos, attending church was often the only acceptable outside activity allowed girls by immigrant parents. In 1920,
almost all of the Chinese children (close to one thousand) attended Sunday school in Chinatown. In addition, many young people participated
in choirs and church-sponsored debates and athletic events. By 1930
there were ten churches in Chinatown competing against each other to
attract the second generation into their folds: the Chinese Presbyterian,
Methodist Episcopal, Chinese Congregational, Chinese First Baptist, Salvation Army, Chinese Cumberland, Protestant Episcopal, Chinese Independent Baptist, St. Mary's Catholic, and Seventh Day Adventist. Having failed to convert many of the first generation to Christianity-less
than z percent of the Chinese population was Christian in 1892-missionaries attempted to attract their offspring. Catering to the interests
of the young people, the various churches offered a range of activities,
including Bible classes, club activities, Saturday night socials, discussion
groups, and summer recreational programs. In 1930, the largest mission was the St. Mary's Catholic Chinese Center. Aside from being a
parochial school through the eighth grade for children during the day,
it was a Chinese school in the late afternoons and a social center for young
adults in the evenings. Chinese girls met there on Friday nights to cook,
paint, play the piano, sew, or participate in drama or basketball. The center also sponsored a science club for both boys and girls and provided young members with vocational guidance, which was sorely lacking in
the public schools.'°s