Voices of Islam (46 page)

1. Other terms that refer to the worshiper working on his or her own inner self are
   ‘abid
   (worshipper) and
   nasik
   (scrupulous adherent to liturgical practices). As an outward sign of the asceticism, some Sufis wore rough woolen cloth (
   suf,
   from which some say the name Sufi originated) as a reaction against the more luxurious clothing of the courts. Not yet known by the appellation of Sufi, they tried to achieve a sensi- tive and loving relationship with God based on the Quranic verse: ‘‘He loves them, and they love Him’’ (5:54).
   

2. Not to be confused with another poem of the same name composed by the Egyptian Sufi al-Busiri in the thirteenth century
   CE
   .
   

3. The Sunnis and the Mu‘tazilites both considered Hasan al-Basri as one of group. His name appears in the chains of teaching (
   silsila
   ) of many Sufi orders, and he is cited innumerable times in moral works of exhortation. The infl of his ascetic piety persisted in Basra. In the chief work of the Sufi school of Basra,
   Qut al- Qulub
   (The Sustenance of Hearts) by Abu Talib al-Makki (d. 998), it is stated: ‘‘Hasan is our Imam in the doctrine we represent. We walk in his footsteps, we follow his ways, and from his lamp we have our light’’ (
   Qut al-Qulub,
   Cairo 1961, vol. I, 149).
   

4. The MacDonald Presentation Volume, Princeton University Press 1933, pp. 131ff.
   

15
‌

W
HAT
I
S
S
HIITE
I
SLAM
?

•

Azim Nanji Farhad Daftary

The historical formation of the worldwide Muslim community or
Umma,
as it is known in Arabic, has resulted in a great deal of diversity that refl cts a rich intellectual, spiritual, and institutional pluralism. In seeking to express a response to the primal message of Islam, Muslims have developed distinct perspectives that have led various groups to coalesce around different inter- pretations of the core message of the Qur’an and the example of the Prophet Muhammad. One such perspective is that of Shiite Islam. Rather than per- ceive these expressions as sectarian in a narrow sense, it is more appropriate to recognize them as representing different communities of interpretation with diverse views of how the ideals of Islam might be realized in the life of the
Umma.
Unfortunately, much early scholarship on Shi‘ism has repre- sented this perspective as a dissident voice or heterodoxy, and in some cases has even characterized it as a ‘‘Persian’’ response to ‘‘Arab’’ Islam. Recent scholarship has created a more balanced view of Shi‘ism. Thus, it is now pos- sible to move beyond stereotypical assumptions and reject the view that there is an ‘‘orthodox’’ or ‘‘authentic’’ Islam, from which Shi‘ism is a departure.

The Shi‘a, like other Muslim groups, reflect their own diversity but share a common approach to the fundamentals of Islamic belief. While affirming, in common with their fellow Muslim believers, the
Shahada,
that is, belief in the unity of God and the model of divine guidance through God’s Messen- ger, the Prophet Muhammad, the Shi‘a maintain that for the spiritual and moral guidance of the community, God instructed the Prophet to designate a figure of authority to succeed him as leader of the Muslims. This authority was ‘Ali, the Prophet’s cousin and son-in-law. According to the Shi‘a, this conception of the community’s future leadership was made public by the Prophet in the last year of his life at Ghadir Khumm, where he designated ‘Ali as his successor to lead the Muslims. While both Shiite and Sunni sources refer to this event, it is the specifi interpretation of the role of ‘Ali as an authentic leader or ‘‘Imam of Guidance’’ that distinguishes the

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Voices of Tradition

Shiite interpretation of authority and leadership from that of other Muslim communities.

The word
Shi‘a
means ‘‘partisan’’ or ‘‘adherent.’’ Specifi y, it refers to those Muslims who became followers of ‘Ali, with the conviction that he and his descendants were the rightful authorities of the Muslim community. For the Shi‘a, this conviction is implicit in the revelation of the Qur’an and the history of Islam and is not merely the outcome of differences of a purely political nature following the death of the Prophet Muhammad. In order to understand how such an interpretation developed and created a distinctive Shiite identity in Muslim history, it is important to see how the Shi‘a ground the concept of guidance within their interpretation of the Qur’an and the life of the Prophet.

One aspect of the Qur’anic revelation that scholars of the Shiite tradition often emphasize is the notion of authority linked to the families of prophetic figures. This notion is evoked in the following Qur’anic verses:

Truly, God chose Adam, Noah, the family of Abraham and the family of ‘Imran above all the worlds, as offspring one after the other. (Qur’an 3:33–34)

Each of them we preferred above the worlds and their fathers, descendants and brothers. We chose them and we guided them to the straight path.
...
They are the ones to whom we have given the Book, the authority and prophethood.

(Qur’an 6:84–89)

During his lifetime, the Prophet Muhammad was both the recipient and the expounder of divine revelation. His death in 632
CE
marked the conclu- sion of the line of prophecy and the beginning of the debate over the nature of his legacy for future generations. This debate arose because of the absence of consensus over succession to the Prophet in the nascent Muslim commu- nity. From the beginning, there was a clear difference of views on this matter between the
Shi‘at ‘Ali,
the Party of ‘Ali, who believed that the Prophet had designated ‘Ali b. Abi Talib (d. 661
CE
) as his successor, and those who fol- lowed the leadership of the Caliphs. This latter group eventually coalesced into the majoritarian, Sunni branch of Islam, known collectively as the ‘‘Peo- ple of the Sunna and the Community,’’
Ahl al-Sunna wa al-Jama‘a.

The Shi‘a of Imam ‘Ali maintained that, while revelation ceased at the Prophet’s death, the need for the spiritual and moral guidance of the commu- nity, through an ongoing interpretation and implementation of the Islamic message, continued. They believed that the legacy of the Prophet Muhammad was entrusted to his family, the
Ahl al-Bayt
(literally, ‘‘People of the Household’’), in whom the Prophet had invested authority. The first member of the Prophet’s family designated for leadership was Imam ‘Ali, the Prophet’s cousin and the husband of Fatima, his daughter and only surviv- ing child. According to most traditions, ‘Ali was the first male convert to Islam and had earned the Prophet’s admiration by championing the cause of Islam,

What Is Shiite Islam?
219

even at the risk of his life. The Shiite espousal of the right of ‘Ali and that of his descendants, through Fatima, to the leadership of the Muslim community was rooted in their understanding of the Holy Qur’an and its concept of rightly guided leadership, as reinforced by Prophetic traditions (
Hadith
). For the Shi‘a the most prominent of these traditions was the Prophet’s sermon at Ghadir Khumm, following his farewell pilgrimage to Mecca, in which he designated ‘Ali as his successor. During this sermon, the Prophet stated that he was leaving behind ‘‘two weighty things’’ (
thaqalayn
)—the Holy Qur’an and his family—for the future guidance of his community.

The importance of the
Ahl al-Bayt
for the Shi‘a is also demonstrated in an event linked to the revelation of a well-known Qur’anic verse: ‘‘God only wishes to remove from you all impurities, O
Ahl al-Bayt
and purify you with a complete purification’’ (Qur’an 33:33). According to historical tradition, this verse concerns an event in the Prophet’s life when the Christian leader- ship of the town of Najran in Arabia challenged him as to the veracity of his mission. The two sides agreed upon a mutual imprecation, but the Christians eventually declined. Those referred to as the
Ahl al-Bayt
in this Qur’anic pas- sage were the Prophet Muhammad, ‘Ali, Fatima, and the latter two’s sons, Hasan and Husayn. Shiites also refer to the Qur’anic verse: ‘‘Say: I do not seek any reward from you, except love for those near to me’’ (Qur’an 42:23). The Shi‘a believe that this verse also refers to the Ahl al-Bayt. While such interpretations are specific to the Shi‘a, all Muslims hold the Prophet’s family in great reverence and follow the admonition of the Qur’an: ‘‘Truly God and His angels bless the Prophet. O you who believe, bless him and greet him with peace’’ (Qur’an 33:50).

The Shi‘a attest that after the Prophet Muhammad, the authority for the guidance of the Muslim community was vested in Imam ‘Ali. Just as it was the prerogative of the Prophet to designate his successor, so it is the preroga- tive of each Imam of the time to designate his successor from among his male progeny. Hence, the office of the Imam, the
Imamate,
is passed on by hered- ity in the Prophet’s bloodline via ‘Ali and Fatima.

THE EARLY HISTORY OF SHI‘ISM

The early partisans of ‘Ali included the so-called Qur’an Readers, several close Companions of the Prophet, prominent residents of the city of Medina, tribal chiefs of distinction, and other Muslims who had rendered important services to early Islam. Their foremost teacher and guide was ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib who, in his sermons and letters and in his admonitions to the leaders of the Quraysh tribe, reminded Muslims of the rights of his family.

Pro-‘Alid sentiments persisted in ‘Ali’s lifetime. They were revived during the Caliphate of ‘Uthman (r. 644–656
CE
), which was a period of strife in the Muslim community. ‘Ali succeeded to the Caliphate in turbulent

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circumstances following ‘Uthman’s murder, leading to the fi civil war in Islam. Centred in Kufa, in southern Iraq, the partisans of ‘Ali now became designated as
Shi‘at ‘Ali,
the ‘‘Party of ‘Ali,’’ or simply as the Shi‘a. They also referred to themselves by terms with more precise religious connotations, such as
Shi‘at Ahl al-Bayt
(Party of the Prophet’s Household) or its equiva- lent,
Shi‘at Al Muhammad
(Party of the Family of Muhammad). The Umayyad Mu‘awiya ibn Abi Sufyan (d. 680
CE
), the powerful governor of Syria, cousin of ‘Uthman, and leader of the pro-‘Uthman party, found the call for avenging ‘Uthman’s murder a suitable pretext for seizing the Caliphate.

The early Shi‘a survived ‘Ali’s murder in 661
CE
and the tragic events that followed. After ‘Ali, the Shi‘a of Kufa recognized his eldest son Hasan (d. 669
CE
) as his successor to the Caliphate. However, Hasan chose not to assume this role and Mu‘awiya assumed the Caliphate. After making a peace treaty with Mu‘awiya, Hasan retired to Medina and abstained from political activity. However, the Shi‘a continued to regard him as their Imam after ‘Ali. On Hasan’s death, the Kufan Shi‘a revived their aspirations for restoring the Caliphate to the Prophet’s family and invited Hasan’s younger brother Husayn, their new Imam, to rise against the oppressive rule of the Umayyads. In the aftermath of Mu‘awiya’s death and the succession of his son Yazid (r. 680–683
CE
), Husayn refused to acknowledge Yazid. Responding to the call of many of his followers and supporters, he set out for Kufa. On 10 Muharram 61 (10 October 680), Husayn and his small band of relatives and companions were brutally massacred at Karbala, some distance from Kufa, where they were intercepted by an Umayyad army. The martyrdom of the Prophet’s grandson infused new fervour to the Shiite cause and contrib- uted significantly to the consolidation of the Shiite ethos and identity. It also led to the formation of activist trends among the Shi‘a. Later, the Shi‘a would commemorate the martyrdom of Husayn on the tenth of Muharram. This holiday, which is more the commemoration of a tragedy than a festive cel- ebration, is known as
‘Ashura.