Year Zero (18 page)

Revenge was not long in coming. The next day, Vietnamese entered French houses and assaulted the inhabitants. People were tortured on the riverbanks. Vietnamese wives of Frenchmen were mutilated with knives. In one account, an eight-months-pregnant woman was disemboweled. Battles raged in Saigon for almost two months, with the British, the French, and the Japanese fighting the Vietnamese. Some Japanese went over to the Vietnamese side. The French Foreign Legion included in its ranks Germans who had fought the Allies in North Africa, and possibly some former SS officers too. Thousands of Vietnamese were tortured in prisons and received harsh prison or death sentences after “trials” that lasted all of five minutes.

By the middle of November, the French could enjoy their apéritifs at the Cercle Sportif once more, assured that life would soon return to normal. This illusion would last for a while, in the south until 1949, when South Vietnam became independent, with Saigon as its capital, and in the north until 1954, when Ho Chi Minh's Communists were recognized as the rulers of the Socialist Republic of North Vietnam, whose capital was Hanoi. But nowhere have the words spoken by Macbeth to his wife about blood willing more blood been more true than in that narrow Southeast Asian country that was once thought of as three, then as two, and finally as one.

M
y father was one of more than 8 million “displaced people” stuck in Germany in May 1945, waiting to be transported home. There were roughly 3 million more in other parts of Europe, some who longed for home, some who wanted to go anywhere but back, and others who no longer had a home to return to: Poles in the Ukraine, Serbs and Croats in Austria, White Russians in Yugoslavia, Jewish refugees in Kazakhstan, and so on. The figures in Asia are just as staggering: 6.5 million Japanese were stranded in Asia and the Pacific, half of them civilians. More than a million Korean workers were still in Japan. And thousands of Australian, European, and American POWs were marooned in China, Japan, Taiwan, and Southeast Asia, as well as Indonesians and other Asians forced to work on Japanese military projects around the region. Up to 180,000 Asians had worked on the Thailand–Burma Railway; about half of them survived.

All wars displace people; the war in Iraq, beginning with the U.S.-led invasion in 2003, severed up to 5 million people from their homes. The
scale of displacement because of World War II was especially horrendous because so much of it was deliberate, for ruthlessly practical as well as ideological reasons: slave labor programs, population exchanges, “ethnic cleansing,” shifting national borders, emigration in search of
Lebensraum
for the German and Japanese master races, the civil wars ignited, entire populations deported to be killed or to languish in exile, and so on. The main culprits in Europe were the Germans, but Stalin's policies in the Soviet Union and its periphery were often as murderous as Hitler's.
¹

For my father, the idea of going home was not complicated. Although correspondence with his family had ceased in 1944 when the Allies liberated part of the Netherlands, cutting off his hometown from communications with Germany, he had a home to go back to. In the summer of 1945 he was transported to the Dutch border from a British DP camp in Magdeburg by British army trucks, by train, and by bus. The reception committee at the Dutch border town of Enschede questioned him and other returnees on whether their work in Germany had been voluntary or not. Those who were suspected of voluntary labor forfeited their right to food rations, and the trouble they faced was but a small harbinger of an issue that would obsess the Dutch for decades, like a national scab that had to be picked over and over: who had been “good” and who “wrong,” brave or cowardly, collaborator or resister, hero or villain. (In fact, of course, few people fell neatly into either category.) It was a tedious way to be welcomed back. But my father was impressed by the politeness of his interlocutors: he was no longer used to meeting officials who weren't barking at him.

By the time he arrived in his hometown, Nijmegen, my father's feelings were more complex. He had left Berlin as an utterly ruined city. So he was used to destruction. It must still have been quite disorienting to walk through the old center of Nijmegen, many of whose handsome buildings, some dating back to the Middle Ages, were gone too, demolished by an accidental American bombing raid in 1944. After years of longing to go home, my father suddenly had cold feet. He could not bring himself to walk the fairly short distance to the family house. The reasons are no longer clear in his memory. Perhaps it was because he could not be
sure that his parents were still alive, or that the house would still be there. Or perhaps he feared that the longed-for reunion might be awkward; so much had happened in the meantime.

In the event, he did go home. The whole family had survived. The reunion was joyous. He soon found his old place in society; he fitted back in. He was one of the lucky ones.

For others, displacement was a more lasting condition, and coming home was a disappointment, or worse. Extreme experiences created chasms of incomprehension between people. Everyone felt that they had a story to tell. How could someone who survived Auschwitz possibly convey what he or she had lived through to people back home who had barely even heard of death camps?

The Hungarian writer Imre Kertész wrote an account of this incomprehension in his novel
Fateless
(1992).
²
The author himself, an assimilated Budapest Jew, had been a prisoner in Auschwitz and Buchenwald. Only fourteen when he was deported, he came of age, as it were, in the camps. His fictional alter ego, György, returns to Budapest, still dressed in the ragged striped jacket of Buchenwald, his face pinched and blotched like that of an old man. Strangers are living in his old family apartment now, unfriendly, suspicious people who slam the door on him. This was not an unusual experience for camp survivors, especially Jews, who were not expected to come back, and were often resented if they did. In a way, however, the reunion with old Jewish neighbors who had managed to stay in Budapest is even more painful. They tell him that “life wasn't easy at home either.” Hearing where he had been, they give him friendly advice: he should simply “forget the terrors,” only think of the future. This was like something another solicitous person, a “democratic” journalist whom György had just met on the tram, had said: the important thing was that the “Nazi pits of hell” were over, finished.

What György failed to make people understand is that he hadn't been to hell; his experience was not metaphysical; he had been in concentration camps. How could he forget and just think of the future, as though his past life had been a bad dream or a horror film? Life in the camps was
neither voluntary nor pleasant, but it was still life,
his
life. You could not ignore continuity. The problem was that people who had not experienced anything similar could not possibly imagine what it had been like, nor did they wish to, hence the flight into abstractions, “hell,” or “the terrors,” which should be forgotten as quickly as possible.

The people described at the end of Kertész's novel, the journalist and the neighbors, Mr. Steiner and Mr. and Mrs. Fleischmann, meant well. This was not always the case when people who spent the war at home were confronted with camp survivors, or others who came back, such as POWs, or foreign workers in the Third Reich. Suffering is a personal matter. Most of us like to have our own suffering recognized. The suffering of others, especially if it was clearly worse, can be a source of irritation, and perhaps even guilt: “Life wasn't easy at home either.”

The sometimes frosty reception of Jewish survivors coming home, not just to Poland and other blood-soaked nations in central Europe, but to western European countries such as the Netherlands, too, owed something to a vague and not wholly repressed guilty conscience, as well as anti-Semitic prejudices which had, if anything, been strengthened by the years of German occupation—propaganda sticks.

This was by no means only true of collaborators or Nazi sympathizers. When a young woman named Netty Rosenfeld emerged from hiding after the liberation of the southern Netherlands in 1944 and applied for a job at a radio station run by the Dutch resistance, she was told that Rosenfeld was not a suitable name for public broadcasting. After all, she had to understand that there were already enough Jews working for Radio Herrijzend Nederland (Netherlands Reborn). The station had been nicknamed “Jerusalem Reborn.” One lesson Jews surely should have learned from their unfortunate experience was not to push themselves to the front of the queue and presume to dominate society again. And this was meant as friendly advice.

A man named Siegfried Goudsmit wrote the following story in September 1945 in
Paraat
, a left-wing newspaper founded by the Dutch resistance:

A bus stop. Passengers waiting for the bus to Amsterdam. Among them two Jews. One of whom sits down on the bench . . . A non-Jewish “lady” does not approve and tells him that he should remain standing. “Other people have a right to this seat.” Yes, madam, in other circumstances I would have stayed standing, but I just got out of hospital where I was taken in a state of exhaustion after my return from a German concentration camp and, as you can see, I am still rather weak. “If only they'd kept you in the concentration camp. We've got enough of your kind here as it is” . . .
³

Other survivors of the Nazi camps were reminded that they were not the only ones who suffered; Dutch people went hungry too, or lost their bicycles, or whatnot. Jews were told not to make too many claims, to not be too assertive. They should know their place, and above all show gratitude.

A former resistance paper, called
De Patriot
, published a letter about the problem of anti-Semitism in postwar Holland. This appeared on July 2, 1945:

There can be no doubt that the Jews, specifically because of German persecution, were able to enjoy great sympathy from the Dutch people. Now it is appropriate for the Jews to restrain themselves and avoid excesses; they should be constantly mindful of their duty to be grateful and that this gratitude should be primarily expressed by redressing that which can be redressed for those who fell victim on the Jews' behalf. They can thank God that they came out alive. It is also possible to squander this sympathy [from the Dutch people] . . . The [Jews] are truly not the only ones who suffered . . .
⁴

No wonder, then, that most Jewish survivors chose to remain silent. Silent about the fact that 75 percent of the roughly 150,000 Jews living in the Netherlands in 1940 did not survive. Silent about the mere five thousand who returned from the camps. Silent about the able assistance given
to the Nazi killers by Dutch bureaucrats, policemen, and jurists. Silent about the silence, while the deportations went on, train after train after train.

The early postwar years saw a flurry of war monuments in the Netherlands, monuments to resistance fighters, to fallen soldiers, to national suffering, to the sacrifice of brave individuals. The first monument to the Jewish catastrophe was erected in 1950, in Amsterdam, near the old Jewish market, the seventeenth-century Portuguese synagogue, and the abandoned and subsequently gutted houses of Jews who had been dragged from their homes. Made of white stone, the monument has a star of David on top and five reliefs carved into the surface, depicting the love, the resistance, the fortitude, and the mourning of the Dutch Gentile population. It is called the Monument of Jewish Gratitude.

The fact is, Jewish survivors were an embarrassment. They did not fit the heroic narrative that was being hastily constructed in the wreckage of the war, in the Netherlands, in France, or indeed in any country where people sought to forget inconvenient, painful truths about the past. Men and women who had survived the humiliations of wartime occupation as best they could, by keeping their heads down and looking the other way when bad things happened to others, pretended to have been heroes all along. I grew up, at primary school in the 1950s, with proud stories from teachers of petty acts of resistance, such as sending German soldiers the wrong way when they asked for directions, and so on.

My favorite boyhood author was named K. Norel, whose books were full of tales of brave deeds by young resisters, with such plucky titles as
Driving Out the Tyranny
;
Stand By, Boys
;
or
Resistance and Victory
. There was no place for Jews in the roster of real or imaginary heroes. The old prejudices had not died. Here is a passage from Norel's
Driving Out the Tyranny
: “The Jews may not be heroes, but they are certainly shrewd. Only once the Nazis started grabbing Jewish money and possessions, did the Jews wake up. And with a vengeance. With great cunning they managed to withhold millions from the enemy.”

•   •   •

IN FRANCE,
where the Gaullist government tried, after a time of wild reprisals, to close the deep fissures in society by acting as if most citizens had stood up bravely against the German foe, returning POWs did not fit the mood of self-serving though perhaps necessary make-believe, either. There were no celebrations at the homecoming of shabby-looking men, in threadbare old-fashioned uniforms, held responsible for the shameful defeat in 1940. In “the France that fought, the only France, the real France, the eternal France” (de Gaulle's words on the day after the liberation of Paris), there was no room for these men. All they could hope for was a food ration coupon, some cash, a doctor's checkup, and a few bars of the “Marseillaise” (if the group was large enough to merit a musical welcome).

That Vichy propaganda had chosen to depict the POWs as brave combatants who were enduring imprisonment for the greater glory of France didn't help after the war, either. Roger Ikor, later to become a celebrated writer, was taken prisoner in May 1940 and, despite being of Jewish origin, was incarcerated with other French POWs in Pomerania. In his memoir, he writes: “Mute, incapable of protesting, we represented the perfect partisans for Pétain and his gang. Wasn't it natural for him to associate us with the purest blood of France? For exactly the inverse reason, the Gaullists held us in contempt. Two million prisoners, and prisoners tainted with Pétainism at that, this embarrassed the cocks-of-the-walk and their certain idea of France. Hadn't we let ourselves be captured instead of resisting bravely like they did? So we had to be cowards, not of the purest blood, but the most polluted.”
⁵

And so, on their return, the POWs were commonly treated with cold formality and silent disdain, or at best, condescension. They were met at repatriation centers by bossy officials in uniform, often women, who sometimes outranked these men who had spent their war behind barbed wire and were not shy about showing it.

The author Marguerite Duras, herself in the resistance, wrote a description of this in her memoir
The War
:

People keep on arriving. Truck after truck . . . The prisoners are dumped at the center in groups of fifty . . . The poor boys look at the hall, they all smile. They're surrounded by repatriation officers. “Come along, boys, get in line!” They get in line and go on smiling . . . These last few days I was at the Gare de l'Est, where one of the women rebuked a soldier from the Legion and pointed to her stripes. “No salute, my boy? Can't you see I'm a captain?”
⁶