1812: The Navy's War (27 page)

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Authors: George Daughan

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Oliver Hazard Perry, the naval commander at Newport, was ecstatic—and more than a little jealous—when Allen sailed in unexpectedly with the first and only defeated British frigate ever to be brought into an American port. Even though Rhode Island was strongly Federalist and antiwar, Newport gave Allen a hero’s welcome. So did Federalist New London when Decatur arrived.
People in Great Britain, of course, were crestfallen. The
Times
of London cried, “Oh! what a charm is thereby dissolved! What hopes will be excited in the breasts of our enemies! The land-spell of the French is broken and so is our sea-spell.
“We have sunk our own maritime character; for, with a navy that could admit of no competition, we have suffered ourselves to be beaten in detail, by a power that we should not have allowed to send a vessel to sea.”
CHAPTER ELEVEN
 
The
Constitution
and the
Java
 
O
N OCTOBER 26, 1812, Commodore William Bainbridge and the
Constitution
sortied from Boston accompanied by the
Hornet
, under Master Commandant James Lawrence, to begin their cruise as Secretary Hamilton had ordered in September. The third member of Bainbridge’s squadron, Captain Porter’s
Essex
, was still in the Delaware River completing repairs and taking on supplies for a long voyage. Bainbridge did not wait for her. He sent Porter instructions to visit several rendezvous points where they might meet, and then set sail.
Bainbridge would have preferred leaving Boston when Rodgers and Decatur did, but the
Constitution
needed extensive repairs after her fight with the
Guerriere
. Her lower masts and several spars had to be replaced, and an entire new gang of standing rigging installed. In addition, patches were required for the hull. Bainbridge drove the navy yard hard, requiring men to work even on the Sabbath—no small demand in puritanical Boston. After the repairs were completed, Bainbridge loaded the
Constitution
with four to five months’ provisions and one hundred days of water.
While repairing his ship, Bainbridge had to soothe the wounded feelings of Master Commandant Lawrence, who was threatening to resign from the navy. Lawrence was miffed that Charles Morris had been promoted from lieutenant to captain, skipping the grade of master commandant. Lawrence acknowledged that Morris was a fine officer and had performed brilliantly in the fight with the
Guerriere
, but he thought he had just as good a claim to promotion. Lawrence pointed out that he had been in the navy since the Quasi-War with France and had performed heroically as well, most notably during the burning of the
Philadelphia
in February 1804, when he was Stephen Decatur’s first lieutenant aboard the
Intrepid
.
Bainbridge took Lawrence’s side and protested to Hamilton. “I do not think that he [Morris] or any lieutenant ought to be promoted over all the master commandants to captain,” he wrote. “We have some very valuable officers in the class of master commandants. No man can excel Captain [Master Commandant] Lawrence in the character of a brave and valuable officer.” Since the days of Benjamin Stoddert during the Adams administration, merit and experience had been the navy’s principal criteria for promotion above midshipman. But for the officers in this deeply conservative service, seniority weighed more heavily than it did for their civilian bosses. Giving a man—however meritorious—a double promotion over so many others went against the grain.
Master Commandant Arthur Sinclair also wrote to Hamilton, objecting to Morris’s unusual promotion. The secretary would not change his mind, however, and when the high-strung, impulsive Lawrence threatened to resign, Hamilton was furious. “Your letter of the 10th . . . has reached me,” he fired back on October 17. “The suggestion with which that letter concludes prevents an answer in detail, and confines me to the single observation, that [if] without cause you leave the service of our country, there will still remain heroes and patriots to support the honor of its flag.”
The rebuke stung. Lawrence shot back, “After devoting near fifteen years of the prime of my life faithfully [in] the service of [my] country, I deserve a promotion to captain.” Hamilton was unmoved. He dug in his heels and defended his decision, even though it was a bad one, made on the spur of the moment without a full awareness of its ramifications. Promoting Morris to master commandant, instead of to captain, would have been acceptable to all his colleagues and to him. He was well-liked, and he did perform magnificently in the fight with the
Guerriere
, but to jump him over others like Lawrence, who had also performed valiantly in the service of the country, was an unnecessary blow to their morale and to the entire officer corps. It was one more example of Hamilton’s ineptness.
Although angry at Hamilton for his clumsy handling of the matter, Bainbridge urged Lawrence not to resign; he did not want to lose one of the navy’s stellar fighters. Lawrence thought hard about what to do and in the end—still distraught—decided to stay. Bainbridge was relieved; he wanted Lawrence with him when he left Boston.
Bainbridge planned to cruise off the coast of Brazil from Bahia to Rio and then off strategically important St. Helena in the South Atlantic. It was an inviting prospect. Following the prevailing winds and currents, nearly all British ships sailing from the Indian Ocean or from the Pacific stopped at St. Helena, or in South America. Bainbridge had previously consulted his friend William Jones, the future secretary of the navy, on where he ought to cruise, and the South Atlantic around St. Helena seemed ideal. British ships were sure to be there in abundance, and provisions to keep his squadron going would be easy to obtain along the South American coast.
Before Bainbridge left Boston, however, Secretary Hamilton attempted to change his orders. He wrote to him and to David Porter that they were to take the
Constitution
,
Hornet
, and
Essex
to Charleston and “clear the coast of the enemy’s cruisers,” before doing anything else.
What prompted the secretary’s new instructions was the 32-gun frigate H.M.S.
Southampton
, under Captain James Yeo. The
Southampton
, traveling in company with two brigs, had been active along the South Carolina coast during the summer and fall, and Hamilton wanted to get rid of her. She was the oldest warship in the Royal Navy, having been launched in 1757. Operating out of Nassau in the Bahamas, she lurked off Charleston and had taken a few prizes, much to the annoyance of Captain John H. Dent, commander of the Charleston naval station.
Dent had tried to counteract the
Southampton
by purchasing and converting two small schooners, the
Viper
(previously the
Ferret
, with eight six-pounders and one long twelve in a circle) and the
Carolina
(fourteen guns). But these two vessels weren’t enough to cope with the
Southampton
and her companions. On October 24, after receiving Dent’s request for help, Hamilton ordered Bainbridge to the rescue. Dent watched impatiently for him to appear, but he never did. Hamilton’s orders did not reach either Bainbridge or Porter before they departed for the South Atlantic.
 
 
AS THE
CONSTITUTION
drove beyond Boston Light and pushed out to sea, the atmosphere aboard was rife with tension. Bainbridge had inherited Isaac Hull’s superb crew, which would have pleased any skipper, as, indeed, it did him, but the men who had served so cheerfully under Hull were not happy to be exchanging him for Bainbridge. Feeling had been so strong that when the “Constitutions” found out about the switch they were shocked and unable to understand why, after Hull’s brilliant victory, the navy was replacing him. They were unaware that Hull had asked to be relieved. When he returned to Boston after defeating the
Guerriere
, he learned of his brother’s death, and in order to attend to his brother’s affairs in New York, he asked Hamilton to replace him. The secretary agreed, directing Hull to turn over the ship to Bainbridge, who was senior to Hull and commandant of the Boston Navy Yard. In fact, Bainbridge had been given the ship back in July, but he could not take her, and Hull was given a temporary appointment. The July order had never been rescinded, so it was natural for Bainbridge to be appointed the new skipper.
Actually, as Bainbridge told his friend William Jones, he preferred to have command of the
President
, which he thought was “one of the finest ships in the world.” He wanted command of her badly enough to offer Rodgers $5,000 to exchange ships. But Rodgers would not agree to the switch, and Bainbridge took command of “Old Ironsides” instead.
The Constitutions’ unhappiness with Bainbridge was heightened by his reputation as a hard taskmaster. Unlike Hull, he had little regard for ordinary seamen. A tall, beefy, moody man, Bainbridge regularly addressed his men as “you damn rascals.” He was quick to punish, often using his fists instead of waiting for a whipping to be organized. Having a crew protest his appointment was nothing new for him. When he was given command of the frigate
George Washington
back in 1800, nineteen sailors and four petty officers deserted rather than serve under him.
Not only did Bainbridge have a well-justified reputation for brutality, but he was known as a loser. With Hull in command, the crew could look forward to victories and prize money, but Bainbridge had been a notable failure his entire career. The crew considered him a Jonah.
Bainbridge’s most egregious failure occurred in October 1803, when he surrendered the frigate
Philadelphia
. He ran her aground while engaged in a foolhardy chase off Tripoli, and despite frantic efforts, he could not free her. The Tripolitans came out in gunboats, seized the ship, and made prisoners of the 306-man crew. Two days later, they refloated the frigate and towed her into the nearby harbor, where she came under the protective guns of the batteries guarding the city of Tripoli. The Basha, Tripoli’s ruler, now had himself a handsome prize and over 300 prisoners to ransom.
A depressed Bainbridge wrote to his commander, Commodore Edward Preble, “I have zealously served my country and strenuously endeavored to guard against accidents, but in spite of every effort, misfortune has attended me through my naval life—Guadeloupe and Algiers have witnessed part of them, but Tripoli strikes the death blow to my future prospects.”
Although the
Philadelphia
debacle was not the first time, or even the second, that Bainbridge had been involved in humiliating incidents, his naval career had not been ruined. In each case he had been exonerated, but the cumulative effect had penetrated his psyche. He wrote to his wife, Susan, that he felt a terrible “apprehension which constantly haunts me, that I may be censured by my countrymen. These impressions, which are seldom absent from my mind, act as a corroding canker at my heart.”
Bainbridge saw this voyage as an ideal opportunity to redeem himself and cover himself with glory, or die trying. All the navy’s captains wanted to distinguish themselves, but Bainbridge had an added reason—his past humiliations—to crave a glorious battle with a British frigate. His fixation was likely to make conditions aboard ship even more difficult for the men, and they sensed it. Most of the Constitutions eventually came around and remained with the ship, but some, like Moses Smith, could not be pacified, and they left. Those who remained never liked Bainbridge. No crew ever did, for throughout his career he was a cruel martinet who showed contempt for the men working his ships.
 
 
AS THE CONSTITUTIONS anticipated, Bainbridge was an exacting skipper. He conducted drills continuously, exercising the great guns and practicing with small arms and muskets, preparing the men for battle, even though they were Isaac Hull’s outstanding crew. This did not matter to Bainbridge; he was going to make certain the ship was ready when his chance came.
For the first leg of the voyage, he headed to Portugal’s Cape Verde Islands. The initial point of rendezvous with Porter and the
Essex
was Porto Praya in St. Jago, the most important island in the archipelago. Britain was Portugal’s closest ally, but since Napoleon’s invasion of Portugal in 1807 and the flight of the royal family to Brazil in a British warship, Portuguese control of her empire was only nominal. St. Jago was a sadly neglected backwater. The slave trade and provisioning ships were its principal businesses. British warships traversing the Atlantic stopped there only occasionally.
When Bainbridge reached Porto Praya, the
Essex
wasn’t there, and so he quickly took on supplies and left, steering southwest for Brazil. On December 2 he arrived off Fernando de Noronha, the wretched Portuguese penal colony two hundred twenty miles off the Brazilian coast. It was the second rendezvous point he had stipulated for the
Essex
. As the
Constitution
came into port, she was flying British colors.
Bainbridge posed as captain of the 44-gun British frigate
Acasta
, with Lawrence as skipper of the sloop of war
Morgiana
. Bainbridge left a coded message for Porter, addressed to Sir James Yeo of His Majesty’s ship
Southampton
. “My dear Mediterranean friend: Probably you will stop here . . . I learned before I left England that you were bound off the Brazil coast; if so, perhaps we may meet and converse on our old affairs of captivity; recollect our secret in those times.” Bainbridge signed it: “Your Friend, of H.M. ship
Acasta
, Kerr.”

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