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Authors: John Whitman

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BOOK: 24 Veto Power
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Bauer took a deep breath and assessed his situation. His primary target had been caught. His teams had captured the Greater Nation’s munitions depot and rounded up most of the militia men. One target missing, but pursuit was in progress. He looked to the doorway, where SEB agents were huddled over the bodies of the three militia men. One of the agents looked at Bauer and dragged his thumb across his throat.

Jack checked his watch: 3:23. The whole operation had taken less than fifteen minutes. Three militia men dead, no casualties on his team. So far, so good.

“Where’s he going to go, Brett?” Jack asked, returning to the outer room.

Marks smirked. “You’re an agent of the Federal government, Jack,” he said. “You have no authority to do or say anything against a private citizen like me.”

Bastion laughed. “He’s shitting you, right?”

Marks frowned at Bastion like a professor dealing with a naïve student. “Check the law, my friend. Read the Constitution.
Your
Constitution. Under 18 U.S. Code 242, it is illegal for anyone under the color of law to deprive any person of the rights, privileges, and immunities secured by the Constitution. And the Constitution allows Federal law to act on state territory only for treason, counterfeiting, piracy on the high seas—”

“Give it a rest, Marks,” Jack growled.

“—crimes against the laws of nations, or civil rights violations by officials. You are violating the same Constitution you swore to protect. These men

should be arresting you.”

“He is shitting you,” Bastion said in disbelief.

Brett shook his head. “It’s a felony punishable by ten years in prison.”

Bastion nodded his head sarcastically. “Oh well, in that case I’ll just take these off and put them on Agent Bauer here.”

Marks half-turned so he could look Bastion in the eye. “Officer, you are joking. But I’m telling you the truth. Look it up.”

“Sorry, I don’t subscribe to
Nutcase Weekly
.”

“Then maybe you should check the Constitution. Or the United States Code published by the House of Representatives. What I’m talking about is right there in black and white.”

“Move him out of here,” Jack said. Guns and handcuffs aside, Marks was still on his home turf, in his comfort zone. He needed to change that. “Get him in the van and sit on him until you hear from me.”

Jack’s ear bud chirped. “Agent Bauer, this is Able, over.”

“Able, Bauer. Go ahead.”

“We’re in the munitions depot. You want to come see this now, over.”

“On my way. Bauer out.” Bauer eyed Bastion. “If he keeps talking, shut him up. But keep your eyes on him.”

Bauer spun toward the door. As he did, he started to take himself down from his assault status. He checked and holstered his weapon, then pulled the black skullcap from his head and tugged the gloves off his hands. He stopped in a bathroom and splashed water on his face, letting it rinse away the black combat paint he’d smudged there. Lastly, he slid his mobile phone out of a Velcro pocket of his black battle dress uniform pants and turned it on. Immediately it emitted an angry buzz.

3:35
A
.
M
. PST CTU Headquarters, Los Angeles

It was after three-thirty in the morning, and CTU Special Agent in Charge Kelly Sharpton’s mood was as dark as the unlit hallway. He banged his toe against a chair and swore like a sailor. He wasn’t a sailor, though, he was Air Force—eight years in, ending up in the Office of Special Investigations before leaving the Corps to join the FBI. He’d been a field agent in the San Francisco office before his computer skills—and a few personal problems—drove him off the streets. Now he mostly rode a desk, but he didn’t mind. At CTU he had eyes and ears that saw the entire world. He was good at his job, and he liked it most of the time.

Not now, though. Now he’d been roused out of bed by the gravediggers—his nickname for the analysts who worked the swing shift from oh-dark-hundred until the sun came up. Sharpton was used to getting calls from the graveyard, so it wasn’t the when that angered him—it was the who.

“Bauer here,” said the gravelly voice on the other end of the line.

“Yousonofabitchwhatthehellareyoudoing?” Sharp-ton spewed. “I’ve been calling you for the last hour.”

“Sorry, Kelly, I had my phone off. I’m in the middle of something.”

“So I hear,” Sharpton spat back. “Of course, I don’t hear it from you. I hear it from the gravediggers, who happen to be monitoring police frequencies to keep themselves awake.”

“I told you I had this militia leader—”

“That requisition was denied,” Kelly said, lowering his voice. He’d reached the end of the dark hallway and entered the guts of CTU’s operation—a war room lined with computer terminals, overlooked by a loft designed for several windowed offices. All of the offices and most of the computer terminals were dark at this hour. A few swing-shift analysts—the gravediggers—looked up from their screens, braced to weather the brewing storm. He gave them a nod and a wave as he passed them and climbed the stairs to his office.

“The denial was for manpower,” Jack said. “No one said I couldn’t arrest him.”

“What the hell do you think you’re doing authorizing the seizure anyway.”

To Kelly, Bauer’s answer sounded rehearsed. He’d prepped himself for the criticism.

Now at his desk, Kelly sat down, put his feet up, and rubbed his forehead.
Loose cannon,
he thought, although the sentiment wasn’t entirely negative. Four years in military special investigations had taught him that loose cannons sometimes blasted through red tape.

But Bauer’s current path seemed to be one of self destruction. Bauer’s fall from grace was, in fact, the reason Kelly Sharpton had been transferred to CTU Los Angeles. The transfer hadn’t been popular—certainly not with Bauer, nor with his second in command Nina Myers. Jack’s star had been on the rise after the recent “Hell Gate” case, only to fall precipitously in recent months after a botched arrest and interrogation.

“Does Walsh know?” Kelly asked, referring to their direct boss, Richard Walsh, head of operations at CTU Los Angeles. Jack was cut from the same cloth as Walsh, who gave him a little more leeway than most. If Walsh was on his side, then Jack stood a chance of getting through his current insubordination with some of his hide intact.

“Only if you told him,” Jack replied.

“Jesus,” Kelly groaned. “Chappelle’s going to bust you down farther than he did last time.” Chappelle was the capo de tutti capo, District Director, which put him even over Walsh’s head. “All you needed to do was keep a low profile for a few more months. They’d send me out of here and you’d have your job back. Let everybody forget your screw-up on the Rafizadeh case.”

He heard an edge creep into Jack Bauer’s voice. “I’m not taking a six-month vacation. You put me on the militias and I look into the militias.”

“Yeah, but you weren’t supposed to find anything—”

“Well, I did. The Greater Nation militia was planning to drive a truck loaded with a cyanide bomb into Washington D.C. I’ve got testimony from a militia soldier, I’ve got the militia leader’s orders on the raid to get sodium cyanide. Don’t get in my face for doing my job.”

Sharpton felt a knot form between his eyes. “I’m doing you a favor, Jack. You got in trouble on your last assignment for coloring outside the lines, and here you are doing it again.”

“This is different. Requisitioning local law enforcement without filling out a few forms isn’t the same

as—as that other thing.”

“Did you get him, at least?”

“Oh, I got him,” Jack said, a smile in his voice. “We got—hold on.” He heard a muffled voice off line. Then Jack’s voice came back on, all the smiles gone. “Shit. I’ve got to go.”

The line went dead.

3:45
A
.
M
. PST Greater Nation Compound

Jack had been talking to Sharpton as he left the main house and strode across the compound to the munitions depot. Around him, his team had quickly taken control of the entire compound. Every light in every building now blazed. A group of bleary-eyed Greater Nation wanna-bes sat on the ground, their legs out in front of them and their hands bound by rip-hobble cords behind their backs. As he passed them, Jack saw in some faces the righteous indignation of true believers. In most, though, all he saw was the frightening realization that playing soldier could actually get you into trouble.

The munitions depot was a single-story ranch house. Jack passed through the broken door— battered down like the main house door—and went inside. This building had been stripped down to beige walls and stained carpet. An SEB agent met him at the entrance. “Merrit, sir. Right this way.”

Jack followed Agent Merrit down the main hallway, past several rooms where agents were busy cataloging racks of firearms. “It looks like a National Guard armory in here,” Merrit said. “They’ve even got a fifty caliber machine gun in the garage.”

Another agent stepped out of one of the rooms holding a large metal bracket. “Hey, Merrit,” the other man said. “We found boxes full of these. Any idea what they’re for?”

“Search me,” Merrit said.

“Swivel mounts,” Jack said matter-of-factly. “They were made so you could mount an M-4 on top of a Humvee for better aim.”

“Jesus,” Merrit said. “What were these guys planning to do, invade the country?”

“Yes,” Jack said. “What did you want to show me?”

Merrit led him to the end of the hallway, to a room that would have been the master bedroom in a normal house. Here it was a planning room. There were no weapons, but a large card table and several computer terminals. Two investigators sat at the computer terminals, scanning the files. Jack knew they wouldn’t find much. Paranoia discouraged the Greater Nation from keeping too much information in digital form. They used the Internet for advertising and recruitment, but the juiciest details would be off the grid.

Sure enough, what Merrit showed him was a box full of three-ring binders, spiral notebooks, and frayed blueprints.

“This looks like it was their next target,” Merrit said.

Jack nodded. “I know they were planning on building a cyanide bomb and driving it into Washington—”

“No, sir,” Merrit interrupted. “We found that plan all right. It’s over there.” The agent jabbed a thumb over to another box being tagged by one of the investigators. “This is something else.” He held out a notebook, but Jack didn’t touch it—he’d taken off his

gloves.

“Tell me.”

Merrit opened the notebook. “According to this, the militia was tracking some kind of Islamic terrorist cell inside the country.”

Jack felt something cold grope the inside of his stomach. “What terrorist cell?”

“I don’t know—”

“Where is it located?”

“That’s what I wanted you to see,” Merrit said. “It’s here in Los Angeles. And if these notes are right, these Islamic terrorists are going to make an attack. In the next few hours.”

1
2
3 4 5 6 7 8
9
10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17
18 19 20 21 22 23 24

THE FOLLOWING TAKES PLAC
E
BETWEEN THE HOURS OF
4 A.M. AND 5 A.M.
PACIFIC STANDARD TIME

4:00
A
.
M
. PST San Francisco, California

The phone on Senator Debrah Drexler’s nightstand rang with a sense of urgency. Despite the early hour, the Senator picked it up before it rang a second time. She was still on East Coast time and she’d been awake for an hour.

“Drexler.” Her voice was like the crack of a whip. She had spoken in softer tones, once upon a time, but one abusive marriage and two terms in the United States Senate had covered her softer side in armor.

“Senator Drexler, thank you for taking my call.”

Drexler curled her lip at the mere sound of that voice. “Not at all, Mr. Attorney General. What can I do for you?”

There was a pause on the line. The faint electric hiss of fiber optics and electricity sounded somehow ominous. Finally, Attorney General James Quincy said, “You and I both know what you can do for me. For the country.”

“I work on behalf of my country every day, Mr. At
torney General. And it’s early. You’ll have to be more specific.”

She knew this would irk him. The AG was famous for quick decisions and short conversations. He despised those who wasted time, especially his time. But since he was already quite public about his loathing for the female senator from California, she wasn’t worried about losing points with him.

“Give me your vote on the NAP Act,” he said with his legendary bluntness. “Then I’ll carry Wayans and D’Aquino, and this thing will pass.”

“Sir, are you calling on behalf of the President?” she asked.

“I’m calling on behalf of the country.”

She almost laughed. “Ah, the cheery sound of jingoism in the morning is so pleasant. You should have “The Battle Hymn of the Republic” on in the background when you talk like that.”

Even through the phone line, she could tell that his spine had stiffened at her remarks. “I expect a little more respect than that, Senator. I am the Attorney General of the United States—”

“Then stop acting like a politician,” she snapped. She knew he hated to be interrupted. She’d done the same thing during his nomination hearings, and the press had had a field day with his apoplectic reactions. It almost made her happy he’d been approved, just so she could do it again. “Since when does the Attorney General get on the phone and lobby senators to pass a bill? Use the right wing media like all the other fascists.”

She smiled, waiting for the volcano to erupt. She wasn’t afraid of Quincy’s vesuvian temper. She wasn’t daunted by angry male voices. Her first husband had beaten those weaker tendencies out of her. He’d nearly lost an eye that last time he’d tried to rough her up, and the combination of a painful divorce court and a scar on his neck made her former husband relent. She got alimony and custody of their baby daughter. With her newfound freedom, she’d moved from New York to San Francisco decades ago. It was hard at the beginning— very hard—but with her newfound strength, she’d gotten on her feet and, after a few years, she’d entered local politics. Now here she was, arm wrestling with one of the most powerful men in the world. She loved it.

BOOK: 24 Veto Power
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