Blood Cries Afar (51 page)

  
62
   Holt writes that John’s ‘total achievement was enormous, fit to stand alongside that of Henry II or Edward I. Together, these two and John represent a standard which was never again equalled in the medieval period’ (
Magna Carta and Medieval Government
, 96).

  
63
   Colin Richmond, ‘Identity and Morality: Power and Politics During the Wars of the Roses’, in
Power and Identity in the Middle Ages: Essays in Memory of Rees Davies
, Oxford, 2007, 234.

  
64
   Turner,
King John,
3–4.

  
65
   The collection is Church,
King John
. David Carpenter and Nicholas Vincent have engaged in a robust debate over 1199 and the origins of chancery rolls in Nicholas Vincent (ed),
Records, Administration and Aristocratic Society in the Anglo-Norman Realm
, Woodbridge, 2010, xvi-xviii, 1–28. See also Mark Hagger’s article in the same volume, ‘Theory and Practice in the Making of Twelfth-Century Pipe Rolls’, which raises questions over the reliability of even Pipe Rolls. The quotation is from David Crouch, ‘Baronial Paranoia in King John’s Reign’, in Leongard,
Magna Carta and the England of King John
, 51, 62.

  
66
   Gerald of Wales in
Giraldi Cambrensis Opera
, (8 vols), eds. J.S. Brewer, J.F. Dimcock and G.F Warner, RS. 1861–91, viii, 214; Richard of Devizes in
Chronicon
, ed. and trans. J.T. Appleby, London, 1963, 32; the Barnwell chronicler (BC) in
Memoriale Walteri de Coventria
, ed. W. Stubbs, 2 vols, RS, 1879–80, ii, 232, Anonymous of Béthune in
Histoire des Ducs de Normandie et des Rois d’Angleterre
, ed. F. Michelet, Paris, 1840; the anonymous biographer of William Marshal (HWM) in
History of William Marshal
, 3 vols., ed. A. Holden, D. Crouch and S. Gregory, Anglo-Norman Text Society, 2002–2006, 124–7 (I will use page rather than line numbers); I am indebted to the kindness of Prof Holden, Dr Gregory and especially Prof Crouch for their kindness in allowing me to see draft versions of this invaluable edition.

  
67
   Charles Petit-Dutaillis,
The Feudal Monarchy in France and England
, London, 1936, 215.

  
68
   Vivian Green,
The Madness of Kings: Personal Trauma and the Fate of Nations
, Gloucester, 1993, 43–7.

  
69
   Warren, 71. This comment beautifully encapsulates more about John than any amount of psychoanalysis.

  
70
   Gillingham,
Richard I
, 166–71; McGlynn,
By Sword and Fire
, 100–12. Bradbury sums up the differing perceptions of the two kings thus: ‘Richard may have been rash and aggressive, but he was widely respected; his brother came to be respected by none’: Jim Bradbury,
Philip Augustus: King of France, 1180–1223
, Harlow, 1998, 116.

  
71
   See Gervase, n. 20. The term becomes more perjorative as John’s reign progresses. For discussions of John’s image see, in particular: Warren, ch. 1; Turner, ch. 1; and Turner’s same argument in ‘King John in his Context: a Comparison with his Contemporaries’, in
The Haskins Society Journal
, 3, 1991; C. Warren Hollister, ‘King John and the Historians’,
Journal of British Studies
, 1, 1961. For a modern comparison with difficulties in the perceptions of political leadership, see also Sean McGlynn, ‘British Nationalism and Europe: a Medieval Comparison’,
Politics
, 16(3), 1996.

  
72
   Winston Churchill,
A History of the English Speaking Peoples
, I, London, 1956, 190.

  
73
   Jean Flori,
Philippe Auguste
, Paris, 2007, 9. My translation.

  
74
   Good broad accounts of the salient features of Philip’s reign can be found in: Hallam,
Capetian France
; Robert Fawtier,
Capetian Kings
; Duby,
France in the Middle Ages
. Alexander Cartellieri’s
Philipp II. August
, 4 vols, Leipzig, 1899–1922, is a massive, if severely dated, achievement. For Philip’s historical reputation, see Georges Duby,
The Legend of Bouvines
, Cambridge, 1990. French biographies, though useful, can be over-flattering. See Georges Bordonove,
Philippe Auguste
, Paris, 1986; Gérard Sivéry,
Philippe Auguste
, Paris, 1993; Flori,
Philippe Auguste
and Luchaire’s
Philippe Auguste
. Much of the same information is to be found in the English sources cited above, especially in Warren and Norgate. Two biographies in English on Philip are: William Hutton,
Philip Augustus
, London, 1896; and the more comprehensive Bradbury,
Philip Augustus
. But best of all on Philip’s reign are two magnificent works: John Baldwin,
The Government of Philip Augustus
, Berkeley, 1986; and R-H. Bautier (ed),
La France de Philippe Auguste: Le Temps des Mutations
, Paris, 1982, a collection of invaluable essays.

  
75
   Turner, ‘King John in his context’, 188; Steven Runciman, ‘Richard Couer-de-Lion’, in
History Today
, 41(6), 1991 (originally 1955), 51; Fawtier,
Capetian Kings
, 24; Charles Petit-Dutaillis,
La Monarchie Féodale en France et en Angleterre
, Paris, 1933, 290; Flori,
Philippe Auguste
, 10.

  
76
   John Gillingham, ‘Richard I and the Science of War’,
ANW
, 195. (This essay is also in his
Richard Couer de Lion
collection.)

  
77
   For these events, see Gilbert of Mons, C
hronicle of Hainaut
, trans. Laura Napran, Woodbridge, 2005, 90–1.

  
78
   Fawtier,
Capetian Kings,
25.

  
79
   R-H. Bautier, ‘La Personalité de Philippe Auguste’, in Bautier,
La France de Philippe Auguste,
56. This essay offers a detailed character analysis of the French king. The personalities of John and Philip are contrasted in Jim Bradbury, ‘Philip Augustus and Jim Bradbury: Personality and History’, in Church,
King John.

  
80
   See Sean McGlynn, ‘Philip Augustus: Too Soft a King?,
Medieval Life
, 1 (4), 1996.

  
81
   Gillingham, ‘Richard I’,
ANW
, 197; Poole,
Domesday Book
, 342; Lloyd,
John
, 30.

  
82
   W. Paden, T. Sankovitch and P. Stalein (eds),
The Poems of Bertran de Born
, Los Angeles, 1986, 393, 380. Surprisingly, I have not come across any writer who uses this quotation to support the notion of Philip as a poor soldier.

  
83
   For Anglo-Imperial relations see Poole,
Domesday Book,
366–7 and 452–55. For John’s reign, Theo Holzapfel covers the English-Guelph alliance in
Papst Innozenz III, Philip II August, Kônig von Frankreich und die englisch-welfische Verbindung, 1198–1216,
Frankfurt, 1991. He also covers the treaty 45–51. (I am grateful to John Gillingham for bringing this book to my attention.) Also of value is Natalie Fryde, ‘King John and the Empire’, in Church,
King John
.

  
84
   The treaty is discussed in Warren, 54–6; F.M. Powicke,
The Loss of Normandy
, 2nd edn, Manchester, 1961, 134–8; Turner, 53–4; Baldwin, 96–7; Bradbury,
Philip Augustus
, 133–5. Contemporaries’ views on Le Goulet are discussed by John Gillingham: ‘Historians Without Hindsight: Coggeshall, Diceto and Howden on the Early Years of John’s Reign’, in Church,
King John
.

  
85
   Turner,
King John,
54.

  
86
   Baldwin, 97. Bradbury agrees, evaluating the treaty as ‘recognition of Philip’s strength’ (Bradbury,
Philip Augustus
, 133). In concordance with this view are Hallam,
Capetian France
, 183 and Jacques Boussard, ‘Philippe Auguste et les Plantgenêts’, in R.H. Bautier,
La France de Philippe Auguste
(’un grand success pour Philippe Auguste’, 279).

  
87
   Warren, 55.

  
88
   Turner, 14.

  
89
   See above, n. 26. But see also Gillingham, ‘Historians Without Hindsight’, 22–3 and Holt, ‘King John’, in
Magna Carta and Medieval Government
, 102–3.

  
90
   See, for example, Warren,
King John,
57.

  
91
   Richard’s religious life is discussed by Gillingham,
Richard I,
257–60.

  
92
   Examined by Ralph V. Turner, ‘Richard Lionheart and English Episcopal Elections’,
Albion,
29 (1), 1997.

  
93
   Ralph V. Turner, ‘Richard Lionheart and the Episcopate in His French Domains’,
French Historical Studies
, 21 (4), 1998, 520. This paragraph relies heavily on Turner’s article.

  
94
   See Baldwin,
The Government of Philip Augustus
, 307, 328 and his ‘Philip Augustus and the Norman Church’,
French Historical Studies
, 6 (1), 1969.

  
95
   Turner, ‘Richard Lionheart and the Episcopate’, 528; Quentin Griffiths, ‘The Capetian kings and St. Martin of Tours’,
Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History
, 9, 1987.

  
96
   Turner, ‘Richard Lionheart and the Episcopate’, 535. Turner believes the implications of this to be stark: ‘The Angevin monarchs’ failure to forge close links with the bishops of their southern domains contributed to their inability to construct a lasting political structure for their would-be empire’ (537). See also his ‘The Problems of Survival for the Angevin “Empire”’, 92–6.

  
97
   Fuller details of this incident are to be found in Gillingham,
Richard I,
301–4.

  
98
   For events leading to Andely’s burning, see Robert de Tourigny,
Chronica
, in
Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I
, ed. Richard Howlett, 4 vols., Rolls Series, London, 1884–9, 4, 229–32 (Robert calls Andely an ‘excellent town’); Yves Sassier,
Louis VII
, Paris, 1991, 387; Warren,
Henry II
, 106.

  
99
   ‘Rex Francie petiit ad opus sum Andeli’ Roger of Howden,
Chronica
, ed. W. Stubbs, 4 vols., Rolls Series, London 1868–71, 4, 3–4. Andely changed hands more than once during the confused wars of the 1190s. For the peace of Louviers, see Gillingham,
Richard I
, 297–8 and F.M. Powicke, ‘King Philip Augustus and the Archbishop of Rouen (1196)’,
EHR,
27 (1), 1912.

100
   HGM, 3, 159. The Archbishop was not alone in expressing his anxieties this way, Geoffrey de Vinsauf lamenting: ‘O Normandy, once safe beneath king Richard’s shield, but undefended now…’ (
Poetria Nova of Geoffrey of Vinsauf
, trans. M.F. Nims, Toronto, 1967, 28). In some versions, ‘England’ replaces ‘Normandy’: see Gillingham,
Richard I
, 321 and n. 3. Bartlett’s translation is used here (Bartlett,
England Under the Norman and Angevin Kings
, 25).

101
   For John’s tour see Warren,
King John,
64; Norgate,
John
, 74 (the source of the quotation); Norgate,
Angevin Kings
, ii, 397–8; Howden, iv, 125.

102
   Warren’s
King John
(69) makes this point. For Isabella, see Nicholas Vincent, ‘Isabella of Angoulême: John’s Jezebel’, in Church,
King John
.

103
   Daniel Power,
The Norman Frontier in the Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Centuries
, Cambridge, 2004, 424. Kate Norgate suggests that John may have deliberately intended to goad the Lusignans into rebellion, thereby providing him with the pretext to recover La Marche (Norgate,
John
, 77). If this had been the case the plan had backfired disastrously for John.

104
   Howden, iv, 163. This episode is not quite as blatant as Henry IV’s scam in 1407, when he persuaded parliament to stump up finances for a proposed campaign in Wales. Henry cancelled the campaign and absorbed many of the funds into his household: Edmund Wright, ‘The Recovery of Royal Finance in 1407’, in Rowena Archer and Simon Walker (eds),
Rulers and Ruled in Late Medieval England
, London, 1995, 77–81.

105
   Bautier,
La France de Philippe Auguste
, 251–2; Luchaire,
Philippe Auguste
, 142; Theodore Evergates,
Feudal Society in the Bailliage of Troyes under the Counts of Champagne, 1152–1284
, Baltimore, 1975, 47.

106
   Gervase of Canterbury, ii, 93.

107
   WB, i, 207. William the Breton is the only source to mention that Tillières was similarly treated (ii, 159–60) and that the siege took three weeks. For events in Normandy, the best detailed accounts are in Power,
The Norman Frontier
, 413–45, and F.M. Powicke,
The Loss of Normandy, 1189–1204
, 2nd edn, Manchester, 1960, 148–69.

108
   According to Roger of Wendover, Philip also besieged Radpont for eight days at the beginning of July, but hastily retreated from there when John suddenly appeared on the scene (RW, i, 313–14).

109
   For Gournay, see Powicke, 149–50; Bradbury, 141–2; WB, ii, 160–2; Robert of Auxerre,
Roberti Canonici Sancti Mariani Autissiodorensis Chronicon
, Monumenta Germania Historica Scriptores xvii, 265. Above all, for Gournay and the campaign in eastern Normandy, see the important appendix in Power,
The Norman Frontier
, 532–38. Gournay Castle is briefly commented on in André Châtelain,
Châteaux Forts en Île de France
, Paris, 1983, 185. For John’s intentions at Arques see Powicke, 150 and
Rot. Pat.
15. For the Cinque Ports, see N.A.M. Rodgers, ‘The Naval Service of the Cinque Ports’,
EHR
, 111 (442), 1996. These ports were, as Stephen Church has observed, ‘the most important ports in the land’: S. D. Church,
The Household Knights of King John
, Cambridge, 1999, 47.