Catching Fire: How Cooking Made Us Human (26 page)
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Authors: Richard Wrangham
Tags: #Cooking, #History, #Political Science, #Public Policy, #Cultural Policy, #Science, #Life Sciences, #Evolution, #Social Science, #Anthropology, #General, #Cultural, #Popular Culture, #Agriculture & Food, #Technology & Engineering, #Fire Science
BOOK: Catching Fire: How Cooking Made Us Human
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113
Species with relatively low muscle mass have been found to have:
Leonard et al. (2007).
Species with relatively low muscle mass have been found to have:
Leonard et al. (2007).
114
In actuality, that phase of our evolution occurred in two steps:
In a public talk at Harvard University in 2008, Leslie Aiello said that on the basis of recent evidence, cooking was likely to have accounted for the rise in brain size in
Homo erectus
.
In actuality, that phase of our evolution occurred in two steps:
In a public talk at Harvard University in 2008, Leslie Aiello said that on the basis of recent evidence, cooking was likely to have accounted for the rise in brain size in
Homo erectus
.
115
Chimpanzees have a cranial capacity:
Chimpanzee brain data measured by Adolph Schultz (David Pilbeam, personal communication, 2005). Australopithecine brain data: McHenry and Coffing (2000).
Chimpanzees have a cranial capacity:
Chimpanzee brain data measured by Adolph Schultz (David Pilbeam, personal communication, 2005). Australopithecine brain data: McHenry and Coffing (2000).
115
The most likely alternatives were starch-filled roots:
Laden and Wrangham (2005), Hernandez-Aguilar et al. (2007), Yeakel et al. (2007).
The most likely alternatives were starch-filled roots:
Laden and Wrangham (2005), Hernandez-Aguilar et al. (2007), Yeakel et al. (2007).
116
they have less indigestible fiber:
Conklin-Brittain et al. (2002).
they have less indigestible fiber:
Conklin-Brittain et al. (2002).
116
A dietary change from foliage to higher quality roots is thus a plausible explanation:
Aiello and Wheeler (1995) proposed an alternative idea, that the rise in diet quality for australopithecines came from their eating more hard foods such as nuts and seeds. But this is hard to accept because such foods are invariably seasonal, creating periods of food shortage when some other food type would have been needed. That necessary fallback food would have determined the minimum size of the gut.
A dietary change from foliage to higher quality roots is thus a plausible explanation:
Aiello and Wheeler (1995) proposed an alternative idea, that the rise in diet quality for australopithecines came from their eating more hard foods such as nuts and seeds. But this is hard to accept because such foods are invariably seasonal, creating periods of food shortage when some other food type would have been needed. That necessary fallback food would have determined the minimum size of the gut.
116
the roughly 450 cubic centimeters (27 cubic inches) of australopithecines:
McHenry and Coffing (2000).
the roughly 450 cubic centimeters (27 cubic inches) of australopithecines:
McHenry and Coffing (2000).
119
Tenderizing meat would have reduced the costs of digestion:
Meat-drying is another speculative processing mechanism habilines could have employed, leading to protein denaturation and improved food quality.
Tenderizing meat would have reduced the costs of digestion:
Meat-drying is another speculative processing mechanism habilines could have employed, leading to protein denaturation and improved food quality.
120
Homo erectus
brains continued to increase in size after 1.8 million years ago:
Rightmire (2004).
Homo erectus
brains continued to increase in size after 1.8 million years ago:
Rightmire (2004).
122
mongongo nuts eaten by !Kung San:
Lee (1979), p. 193.
mongongo nuts eaten by !Kung San:
Lee (1979), p. 193.
123
Various modern behaviors:
McBrearty and Brooks (2000).
Various modern behaviors:
McBrearty and Brooks (2000).
123
The ovens . . . are not recorded in Australia until thirty thousand years ago:
Brace (1995). Cooking in earth ovens: Smith et al. (2001).
The ovens . . . are not recorded in Australia until thirty thousand years ago:
Brace (1995). Cooking in earth ovens: Smith et al. (2001).
123
among the Aranda of central Australia:
Spencer (1927), p. 19.
among the Aranda of central Australia:
Spencer (1927), p. 19.
125
people made a glue from ancient birch tar:
Mazza et al. (2006).
people made a glue from ancient birch tar:
Mazza et al. (2006).
125
Andaman Islanders . . . cooked:
Cooking methods were described by Man (1932).
Andaman Islanders . . . cooked:
Cooking methods were described by Man (1932).
126
the Yahgan developed a two-stone griddle:
Gusinde (1937), pp. 318-320.
Six: How Cooking Frees Menthe Yahgan developed a two-stone griddle:
Gusinde (1937), pp. 318-320.
129
Chimpanzee society differs markedly:
Mitani et al. (2002), Doran and McNeilage (1998).
Chimpanzee society differs markedly:
Mitani et al. (2002), Doran and McNeilage (1998).
129
Sherwood Washburn and Chet Lancaster wrote:
Washburn and Lancaster (1968), p. 23.
Sherwood Washburn and Chet Lancaster wrote:
Washburn and Lancaster (1968), p. 23.
131
The Hadza are modern-day people:
I spent a few nights in a Hadza camp in 1981 with Monique Borgerhoff-Mulder, but this account comes mostly from reports by ethnographers such as Hawkes et al. (1997, 2001a, 2001b), Marlowe (2003), and Brian Wood (personal communication, 2008). Note that the Hadza are like almost all hunter-gatherers in having had long-term relationships with neighbors who are farmers and pastoralists (Headland and Reid [1989]).
The Hadza are modern-day people:
I spent a few nights in a Hadza camp in 1981 with Monique Borgerhoff-Mulder, but this account comes mostly from reports by ethnographers such as Hawkes et al. (1997, 2001a, 2001b), Marlowe (2003), and Brian Wood (personal communication, 2008). Note that the Hadza are like almost all hunter-gatherers in having had long-term relationships with neighbors who are farmers and pastoralists (Headland and Reid [1989]).
132
“They did not have pleasurable satisfaction”:
Marshall (1998), p. 67.
“They did not have pleasurable satisfaction”:
Marshall (1998), p. 67.
132
Anthropologist Phyllis Kaberry:
Kaberry (1939), p. 35.
Anthropologist Phyllis Kaberry:
Kaberry (1939), p. 35.
133
the sexual division of labor among hunter-gatherers:
Megarry (1995), Bird (1999), and Waguespack (2005) give overviews.
the sexual division of labor among hunter-gatherers:
Megarry (1995), Bird (1999), and Waguespack (2005) give overviews.
133
while men hunted sea mammals, women would dive for shellfish:
Steward and Faron (1959).
while men hunted sea mammals, women would dive for shellfish:
Steward and Faron (1959).
134
In the tropical islands of northern Australia, there was so much plant food:
Hart and Pilling (1960).
In the tropical islands of northern Australia, there was so much plant food:
Hart and Pilling (1960).
134
women always tended to provide the staples:
“In almost all [societies], the items women tend to focus on are commonly acquired, come in smaller sizes, have a relatively low risk of pursuit failure, and are often associated with high processing costs. The resources men prefer generally are more rarely acquired, larger, have higher risk of pursuit failure, and are associated with lower processing costs.” Bird (1999), p. 66. Women’s food items were so vital as predictable staples that a principal reason for the group to move camp was overexploitation of women’s foods (Kelly [1995]).
women always tended to provide the staples:
“In almost all [societies], the items women tend to focus on are commonly acquired, come in smaller sizes, have a relatively low risk of pursuit failure, and are often associated with high processing costs. The resources men prefer generally are more rarely acquired, larger, have higher risk of pursuit failure, and are associated with lower processing costs.” Bird (1999), p. 66. Women’s food items were so vital as predictable staples that a principal reason for the group to move camp was overexploitation of women’s foods (Kelly [1995]).
134
a kind of bread called damper:
Isaacs (1987) describes its preparation.
a kind of bread called damper:
Isaacs (1987) describes its preparation.
134
“The Aborigines continually craved for meat”:
Kaberry (1939), p. 36.
“The Aborigines continually craved for meat”:
Kaberry (1939), p. 36.
135
Hunting large game was a predominantly masculine activity:
In a sample of 185 societies, the only activities that were more male-biased were lumbering, metalworking, ore-smelting, and hunting sea mammals (Murdock and Provost [1973], Wood and Eagly [2002]).
Hunting large game was a predominantly masculine activity:
In a sample of 185 societies, the only activities that were more male-biased were lumbering, metalworking, ore-smelting, and hunting sea mammals (Murdock and Provost [1973], Wood and Eagly [2002]).
135
Hints of comparable sex differences in food procurement:
Kevin Hunt (personal communication [2005]), compilation of data on forty primate species.
Hints of comparable sex differences in food procurement:
Kevin Hunt (personal communication [2005]), compilation of data on forty primate species.
135
the overwhelming majority of the foods collected and eaten by females and males are the same types:
Perhaps the most extreme sex difference in primate diets is that male chimpanzees eat more meat than females. But neither sex eats much meat. Both sexes spend the great majority of their time eating fruits, around 50 percent to 70 percent of their time, so the sex difference in meat-eating by chimpanzees is relatively trivial compared to humans. The highest known recorded meat intake averaged at forty grams per day for males, which probably provides less than 2 percent of total calories (Kaplan et al. [2000], Table 3).
the overwhelming majority of the foods collected and eaten by females and males are the same types:
Perhaps the most extreme sex difference in primate diets is that male chimpanzees eat more meat than females. But neither sex eats much meat. Both sexes spend the great majority of their time eating fruits, around 50 percent to 70 percent of their time, so the sex difference in meat-eating by chimpanzees is relatively trivial compared to humans. The highest known recorded meat intake averaged at forty grams per day for males, which probably provides less than 2 percent of total calories (Kaplan et al. [2000], Table 3).
136
each household is a little economy:
Hunter-gatherer men are often quoted as saying to their wives in the morning, like the Inuit studied by Stefansson, “Make sure you have my evening meal ready for me when I get back.” There is nothing equivalent in any nonhuman animal. Yanigasako (1979) reviews the distinction between family and household from the perspective of social anthropology. “Family” connotes a set of relationships, especially genealogical; “households” refer to family members who live together and engage in food production and consumption or in sexual reproduction and child-rearing. Panter-Brick (2002) gives an overview.
each household is a little economy:
Hunter-gatherer men are often quoted as saying to their wives in the morning, like the Inuit studied by Stefansson, “Make sure you have my evening meal ready for me when I get back.” There is nothing equivalent in any nonhuman animal. Yanigasako (1979) reviews the distinction between family and household from the perspective of social anthropology. “Family” connotes a set of relationships, especially genealogical; “households” refer to family members who live together and engage in food production and consumption or in sexual reproduction and child-rearing. Panter-Brick (2002) gives an overview.
136
It used to be thought that women typically produced most of the calories:
Lee and DeVore (1968).
It used to be thought that women typically produced most of the calories:
Lee and DeVore (1968).
136
Worldwide across foraging groups, however, men probably supplied the bulk of the food calories:
In nine groups, on average, women produced 34 percent, men 66 percent of calories (Kaplan et al. [2000]).
Worldwide across foraging groups, however, men probably supplied the bulk of the food calories:
In nine groups, on average, women produced 34 percent, men 66 percent of calories (Kaplan et al. [2000]).
137
Emile Durkheim thought:
Durkheim (1933), p. 56: “We are thus led to consider the division of labor in a new light. In this instance, the economic services that it can render are picayune compared to the moral effect that it produces, and its true function is to create in two or more persons a feeling of solidarity.”
Emile Durkheim thought:
Durkheim (1933), p. 56: “We are thus led to consider the division of labor in a new light. In this instance, the economic services that it can render are picayune compared to the moral effect that it produces, and its true function is to create in two or more persons a feeling of solidarity.”
137
“fundamental platform of behavior for the genus
Homo
”:
Lancaster and Lancaster (1983), pp. 36, 51.
“fundamental platform of behavior for the genus
Homo
”:
Lancaster and Lancaster (1983), pp. 36, 51.
137
many think the division of labor by sex started much later:
There is an increasing trend in anthropology and archaeology to think of the sexual division of labor as developing “recently,” i.e., as late as the Upper Paleolithic (around forty thousand years ago) (Steele and Shennan [1996], Kuhn and Stiner [2006]). The trend comes from the difficulty of recognizing gender-differentiated activities archaeologically in earlier periods.
many think the division of labor by sex started much later:
There is an increasing trend in anthropology and archaeology to think of the sexual division of labor as developing “recently,” i.e., as late as the Upper Paleolithic (around forty thousand years ago) (Steele and Shennan [1996], Kuhn and Stiner [2006]). The trend comes from the difficulty of recognizing gender-differentiated activities archaeologically in earlier periods.
138
“When males hunt and females gather”:
Washburn and Lancaster (1968), p. 301. Washburn did not specifically discuss cooking in the context of the sexual division of labor, but his writings imply that he thought cooking developed later.
“When males hunt and females gather”:
Washburn and Lancaster (1968), p. 301. Washburn did not specifically discuss cooking in the context of the sexual division of labor, but his writings imply that he thought cooking developed later.
139
Chimpanzees in Gombe National Park, Tanzania, spend more than six hours a day chewing:
Wrangham (1977).
Chimpanzees in Gombe National Park, Tanzania, spend more than six hours a day chewing:
Wrangham (1977).
139
the amount of time spent chewing is related to body size:
Clutton-Brock and Harvey (1977) showed that bigger primates spend more time eating. With an enlarged data set that corrected for errors and ensured a uniform definition of eating as chewing, R. Wrangham, Z. Machanda, and R. McCarthy (unpublished) predicted humans on a raw-food diet would need to chew at least 42 percent of the time. The figure for
Homo
is lower than the figure for Gombe chimpanzees (more than 50 percent), even though humans are heavier than chimpanzees, because the prediction uses data from all primates. Great apes tend to fall above the primate line, which is brought down by the smaller-bodied monkeys. The 42 percent figure is thus a conservative estimate.
the amount of time spent chewing is related to body size:
Clutton-Brock and Harvey (1977) showed that bigger primates spend more time eating. With an enlarged data set that corrected for errors and ensured a uniform definition of eating as chewing, R. Wrangham, Z. Machanda, and R. McCarthy (unpublished) predicted humans on a raw-food diet would need to chew at least 42 percent of the time. The figure for
Homo
is lower than the figure for Gombe chimpanzees (more than 50 percent), even though humans are heavier than chimpanzees, because the prediction uses data from all primates. Great apes tend to fall above the primate line, which is brought down by the smaller-bodied monkeys. The 42 percent figure is thus a conservative estimate.
140
A few careful studies using direct observation:
Cross-cultural time-allocation data come from studies inspired by Johnson (1975) and published in a series of monographs by the Human Relations Area Files: Ye’kwana, Hames (1993); Quechua, Weil (1993); Newar, Munroe et al. (1997); Mekranoti, Werner (1993); Logoli, Munroe and Munroe (1991); Kipsigi, Mulder et al. (1997); Samoans, Munroe and Munroe (1990b); Black Carib, Munroe and Munroe (1990a); Machiguenga-Camaná, Baksh (1990); Machiguenga-Shimaa, Johnson and Johnson (1988); Yukpa, Paolisso and Sackett (1988); Madurese, Smith (1995). Hofferth and Sandberg (2001) give data for American children. The number of minutes spent eating per twenty-four hours (or percent of nonsleep time, which I calculated from their data) were as follows: 9-12 years, 77 minutes (9.8 percent); 6-8 years, 63 minutes (7.5 percent); 3-5 years, 69 minutes (8.4 percent); 0-2 years, 99 minutes (14.4 percent).
A few careful studies using direct observation:
Cross-cultural time-allocation data come from studies inspired by Johnson (1975) and published in a series of monographs by the Human Relations Area Files: Ye’kwana, Hames (1993); Quechua, Weil (1993); Newar, Munroe et al. (1997); Mekranoti, Werner (1993); Logoli, Munroe and Munroe (1991); Kipsigi, Mulder et al. (1997); Samoans, Munroe and Munroe (1990b); Black Carib, Munroe and Munroe (1990a); Machiguenga-Camaná, Baksh (1990); Machiguenga-Shimaa, Johnson and Johnson (1988); Yukpa, Paolisso and Sackett (1988); Madurese, Smith (1995). Hofferth and Sandberg (2001) give data for American children. The number of minutes spent eating per twenty-four hours (or percent of nonsleep time, which I calculated from their data) were as follows: 9-12 years, 77 minutes (9.8 percent); 6-8 years, 63 minutes (7.5 percent); 3-5 years, 69 minutes (8.4 percent); 0-2 years, 99 minutes (14.4 percent).
141
Processed plant foods experience similar physical changes to those of meat:
Plant foods: Waldron et al. (2003). Meat: Barham (2000). Foods from domesticated plants are presumably also softer than their wild counterparts.
Processed plant foods experience similar physical changes to those of meat:
Plant foods: Waldron et al. (2003). Meat: Barham (2000). Foods from domesticated plants are presumably also softer than their wild counterparts.
141
softness (or hardness) closely predicts:
Measuring chewing rates in 266 people, Engelen et al. (2005b) found a correlation of .95 between number of chewing cycles before swallowing and food hardness.
softness (or hardness) closely predicts:
Measuring chewing rates in 266 people, Engelen et al. (2005b) found a correlation of .95 between number of chewing cycles before swallowing and food hardness.
141
Wild monkeys spend almost twice as long chewing:
Agetsuma and Nakagawa (1998) showed that Japanese monkeys spent 1.7 times more time feeding where food requirements were higher and food was lower quality.
Wild monkeys spend almost twice as long chewing:
Agetsuma and Nakagawa (1998) showed that Japanese monkeys spent 1.7 times more time feeding where food requirements were higher and food was lower quality.
142
a chimpanzee mother who consumes 1,800 calories per day:
Pontzer and Wrangham (2004) estimate energetic expenditure at 1,814 calories per day for chimpanzee mothers in Kanyawara (Kibale, Uganda), and 1,558 calories per day for adult males.
a chimpanzee mother who consumes 1,800 calories per day:
Pontzer and Wrangham (2004) estimate energetic expenditure at 1,814 calories per day for chimpanzee mothers in Kanyawara (Kibale, Uganda), and 1,558 calories per day for adult males.
142
around 300 calories per hour:
Assuming that wild male chimpanzees use 1,558 calories per day (Pontzer and Wrangham [2004]) and chew for six hours, they ingest 260 calories per hour.
around 300 calories per hour:
Assuming that wild male chimpanzees use 1,558 calories per day (Pontzer and Wrangham [2004]) and chew for six hours, they ingest 260 calories per hour.
143
less than three minutes per day hunting:
time spent per day is calculated from a median 0.13 hunts per day (Watts and Mitani [2002], Figure 9) and the mean hunt duration (17.7 minutes), giving 2.3 minutes. The estimate is higher than it should be because it assumes that all individuals hunted throughout the duration of a group hunt, which is not true. However, it serves to show that chimpanzees spend only a short time hunting per day.
less than three minutes per day hunting:
time spent per day is calculated from a median 0.13 hunts per day (Watts and Mitani [2002], Figure 9) and the mean hunt duration (17.7 minutes), giving 2.3 minutes. The estimate is higher than it should be because it assumes that all individuals hunted throughout the duration of a group hunt, which is not true. However, it serves to show that chimpanzees spend only a short time hunting per day.
143
A recent review of eight hunter-gatherer societies:
Waguespack (2005). Hadza men: Hawkes et al. (2001b).
A recent review of eight hunter-gatherer societies:
Waguespack (2005). Hadza men: Hawkes et al. (2001b).
143
at Ngogo the longest hunt observed:
Watts and Mitani (2002).
at Ngogo the longest hunt observed:
Watts and Mitani (2002).
143
the average interval between plant-feeding bouts was twenty minutes:
Data are from Gombe males, 348 inter-feeding intervals in 628 observation hours (1972-1973), median 20.3 minutes, mean 43.5 minutes (Wrangham, unpublished data).
the average interval between plant-feeding bouts was twenty minutes:
Data are from Gombe males, 348 inter-feeding intervals in 628 observation hours (1972-1973), median 20.3 minutes, mean 43.5 minutes (Wrangham, unpublished data).
145
suppose the male has had an unsuccessful day of hunting:
Only around 50 percent of hunts by chimpanzees are successful, and even when a kill is made, there is no guarantee that any particular male will be able to get any meat to eat. Hunting success: Gilby and Wrangham (2007). For the Hadza “records of over 250 camp-days of observation across all seasons over a period of five years show several stretches of a week or more with no meat from big game available” (O’Connell et al. [2002]).
Seven: The Married Cooksuppose the male has had an unsuccessful day of hunting:
Only around 50 percent of hunts by chimpanzees are successful, and even when a kill is made, there is no guarantee that any particular male will be able to get any meat to eat. Hunting success: Gilby and Wrangham (2007). For the Hadza “records of over 250 camp-days of observation across all seasons over a period of five years show several stretches of a week or more with no meat from big game available” (O’Connell et al. [2002]).
148
Overall cooking was the most female-biased activity:
Women did the cooking “almost exclusively” in 63.6 percent of societies and “predominantly” in 34.2 percent. After cooking, the next most female-biased activities were preparing vegetable food (mostly by women in 94.3 percent of societies), fetching water (91.4 percent), and doing the laundry (87 percent) (Murdock and Provost [1973]).
Overall cooking was the most female-biased activity:
Women did the cooking “almost exclusively” in 63.6 percent of societies and “predominantly” in 34.2 percent. After cooking, the next most female-biased activities were preparing vegetable food (mostly by women in 94.3 percent of societies), fetching water (91.4 percent), and doing the laundry (87 percent) (Murdock and Provost [1973]).
148
the Todas:
The idea that Toda men were responsible for cooking was derived from Murdock’s misreading of Rivers (1906), who conducted fieldwork among the Todas. Marshall (1873), p. 82 referred to women invariably cooking the daily meals, and Breeks (1873) stated that while the men fetched firewood, the women cooked and fetched water. Prince Peter (1955) conducted his own fieldwork and corrected Murdock’s error.
the Todas:
The idea that Toda men were responsible for cooking was derived from Murdock’s misreading of Rivers (1906), who conducted fieldwork among the Todas. Marshall (1873), p. 82 referred to women invariably cooking the daily meals, and Breeks (1873) stated that while the men fetched firewood, the women cooked and fetched water. Prince Peter (1955) conducted his own fieldwork and corrected Murdock’s error.
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