Christianity: The First Three Thousand Years (182 page)

12
A good recent introduction to Francis's life is C. Frugoni,
Francis of Assisi: A Life
(London, 1998), and there is useful analysis in K. B. Wolf,
The Poverty of Riches: St Francis of Assisi Reconsidered
(Oxford, 2003).

13
For detailed discussion of his attitude to monasticism and to evangelism, see B. Bolton, 'The Importance of Innocent III's Gift List'; F. Andrews, 'Innocent III and Evangelical Enthusiasts: The Road to Approval', in J. C. Moore (ed.),
Pope Innocent III and His World
(Aldershot, 1999), 101-12, 229-41.

14
A fine overview is N. Tanner, 'Pastoral Care: The Fourth Lateran Council of 1215', in G. R. Evans (ed.),
A History of Pastoral Care
(London and New York, 2000), Ch. 14, repr. in N. Tanner,
The Ages of Faith: Popular Religion in Late Medieval England and Western Europe
(London and New York, 2009), 19-32.

15
G. Macy, 'The Doctrine of Transubstantiation in the Middle Ages',
JEH
, 45 (1994), 11-41; see Tanner, 'Pastoral Care', 29-30.

16
M. Rubin,
Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture
(Cambridge, 1991), 169 - 76.

17
A. P. Roach, 'Penance and the Inquisition in Languedoc',
JEH
, 52 (2001), 409-33, esp. 415.

18
Biller, 'Goodbye to Waldensianism?', 5. E. Cameron,
Waldenses: Rejections of Holy Church in Medieval Europe
(Oxford, 2000), 49-62 on papal reconciliation and 264-84 on Protestant remoulding.

19
For an overview of the various new organizations, see F. Andrews,
The Other Friars: Carmelite, Augustinian, Sack and Pied Friars in the Middle Ages
(Woodbridge, 2006).

20
A. Jotischky,
The Carmelites and Antiquity: Mendicants and Their Pasts in the Middle Ages
(Oxford, 2002), esp. Ch. 1. On controversy over the scapular, see R. Copsey, 'Simon Stock and the Scapular Vision',
JEH
, 50 (1999), 652-83.

21
Qu. in T. Johnson, 'Gardening for God: Carmelite Deserts and the Sacralization of Natural Space in Counter-Reformation Spain', in W. Coster and A. Spicer (eds.),
Sacred Space in Early Modern Europe
(Cambridge, 2005), 193-210, at 206.

22
B. R. Carniello, 'Gerardo Segarelli as the Anti-Francis: Mendicant Rivalry and Heresy in Medieval Italy',
JEH
, 57 (2006), 226-51, esp. 237-9.

23
Useful samples of the writings of Joachim and the Spirituals are provided by B. McGinn (ed.),
Apocalyptic Spirituality
(London, 1979).

24
Chief among the classic works of Marjorie Reeves exploring Joachim's influence are
Joachim of Fiore and the Prophetic Future: A Medieval Study in Historical Thinking
(rev. edn, Stroud, 1999) and
The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages: A Study in Joachimism
(Oxford, 1999); see also W. Gould and M. Reeves,
Joachim of Fiore and the Myth of the Eternal Evangel in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries
(rev. edn, Oxford, 2001), esp. Chs. 9, 10, and 314-15.

25
Reeves,
The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages
, 191-228; D. Burr,
The Spiritual Franciscans: From Protest to Persecution in the Century after St Francis
(Philadelphia, 2001). The most vivid literary evocation of this period is Umberto Eco's famous novel
The Name of the Rose
, originally published in Italian in 1980.

26
N. Housley, 'Crusading as Social Revolt: The Hungarian Peasant Uprising of 1514',
JEH
, 49 (1996), 1-28. For Franciscan promotion of anti-Semitism, see pp. 419-20.

27
The standard Latin and English edition of the
Summa Theologiae
is that created by the English Dominican Order (Blackfriars), published in sixty-one volumes from 1963.

28
Aquinas,
Summa Theologiae
1a.13.1 [Blackfriars edition, III, 47].

29
My adaptation of a common English translation. In a major chasm in the history of Western Catholicism in the last fifty years, the service of Benediction has increasingly been sidelined by those Church authorities who wish to pull back the faithful's attention exclusively to the Mass itself: see p. 974.

30
Quotation from F. S. Schmitt (ed.),
S. Anselmi Cantuariensis archiepiscopi opera omnia
III.6.4-9, tr. D. S. Hogg,
Anselm of Canterbury: The Beauty of Theology
(Aldershot, 2004), 29. On twelfth-century and later pseudonymous imitations of Anselm, see J.-F. Cottier,
Anima mea: prieres privees et textes de devotion du moyen age latin. Autour des
Prieres ou Meditations
attribuees a saint Anselme de Cantorbery (XIe-XIIe siecle)
(Turnhout, 2001), XCI-CXI; on
meditatio
, ibid., LVI-LVII.

31
D. Trembinski, '[Pro]passio doloris: Early Dominican Conceptions of Christ's Physical Pain',
JEH
, 59 (2008), 630-56, esp. 651, 653-5.

32
H. Oberman, 'Luther and the
Via Moderna
: The Philosophical Backdrop of the Reformation Breakthrough',
JEH
, 54 (2003), 641-70, esp. at 649.

33
Meditaciones
7, qu. L. Hundersmarck, 'The Use of Imagination, Emotion, and the Will in a Medieval Classic: The
Meditaciones Vite Christi
',
Logos: A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture
, 6/2 (Spring 2003), 46-62, at 51. For a good modern edition of a lavishly illustrated MS of the work, which does not argue for a definite attribution of authorship, see I. Ragusa and R. B. Green (eds.),
Meditations on the Life of Christ: An Illustrated Manuscript of the Fourteenth Century. Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, Ms. Ital., 115
(Princeton, 1961).

34
J. Dillenberger,
Style and Content in Christian Art
(London, 1965), 78-85, and Plate 13.

35
Good discussion in R. Marks,
Image and Devotion in Late Medieval England
(Stroud, 2004), Ch. 6.

36
J. Edwards,
The Spanish Inquisition
(Stroud, 1999), 33-5. For crisp and sceptical discussion of Christian attitudes to usury, see E. Kerridge,
Usury, Interest and the English Reformation
(Aldershot, 2002), Ch. 1.

37
E. C. Parker and C. T. Little (eds.),
The Cloisters Cross: Its Art and Meaning
(New York, 1994), 151-60, 178-81, 187-9.

38
For examples of good relations, see D. Malkiel, 'Jews and Apostates in Medieval Europe: Boundaries Real and Imagined',
PP
, 194 (February 2007), 3-34, at 32-3.

39
A. Boureau,
Satan the Heretic: The Birth of Demonology in the West
(Chicago and London, 2006), 10-14, 43-67.

40
C. Wolters (ed.),
The Cloud of Unknowing, Translated into Modern English
(London, 1961), 137 [
Cloud
, Ch. 70].

41
U. Wiethaus (ed.),
Agnes Blannbekin, Viennese Beguine: Life and Revelations
(Cambridge, 2002), esp. 10, 30, 34-6, 157.

42
M. O'C. Walshe (ed.),
Meister Eckhart: Sermons and Treatises
(3 vols., Shaftesbury, 1987), II, 64 [Sermon 53]; II, 321 [Sermon 94]; II, 246 [Sermon 82].

43
N. Caciola,
Discerning Spirits: Divine and Demonic Possession in the Middle Ages
(Ithaca, NY, and London, 2003), 277-98.

PART V: ORTHODOXY: THE IMPERIAL FAITH (451-1800)

13: Faith in a New Rome (451-900)

1
Stevenson (ed., 1989), 117.

2
A richly witty treatment of this is Archimandrite E. Lash, 'Byzantine Hymns of Hate', in A. Louth and A. Casiday (eds.),
Byzantine Orthodoxies
(Aldershot, 2006), 151-64; quotation at 155.

3
For seventh-century Byzantine burnings, J. and B. Hamilton (eds.),
Christian Dualist Heresies in the Byzantine World, c. 650-c. 1450
(Manchester and New York, 1998), 13. For the burning of Basil the Bogomil
c
. 1098, see p. 456, and on Russian burning of 'Old Believers', pp. 540-41. For the introduction of burning to Russia, G. H. Williams, 'Protestants in the Ukraine during the Period of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth',
Harvard Ukrainian Studies
, 2 (1978), 41-72, at 50.

4
See the opposition to burning Manichees from Theodore the Stoudite: Hamilton (eds.),
Christian Dualist Heresies in the Byzantine World, c. 650-c. 1450
, 60-61. Note also the caution on burning expressed by Patriarch Theophylaktos (933-56) and the disapproving comments on physical punishment of heretics by the great twelfth-century Orthodox canon lawyer Balsamon: Hussey, 157-8, 165-6.

5
J. Moorhead,
Justinian
(London, 1994), 17-22.

6
G. A. Williamson (tr.),
Procopius: The Secret History
(London, 1966). There has been controversy as to whether the
Secret History
ought to be taken seriously, but there is no good reason to doubt the overall substance of what Procopius wrote.

7
Procopius,
Wars
, 1.24.32-7, qu. Moorhead,
Justinian
, 46-7.

8
Qu. J. G. Davies,
Temples, Churches and Mosques: A Guide to the Appreciation of Religious Buildings
(New York, 1982), 106-7.

9
Binns, 6.

10
N. P. Sevcenko, 'Art and liturgy in the later Byzantine Empire', in Angold (ed.), 127-53, at 143.

11
Binns, 45.

12
Stringer, 100.

13
Herrin, 72-4.

14
A. Cameron,
Christianity and the Rhetoric of Empire: The Development of Christian Discourse
(Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1994), 208-13.

15
Herrin, 15.

16
For a positive reading of a now poorly documented reign, see W. Treadgold in C. Mango (ed.),
The Oxford History of Byzantium
(Oxford, 2002), 133.

17
A. Cameron, 'Byzantium and the Past in the Seventh Century: The Search for Redefintion', in J. Fontaine and J. N. Hillgarth (eds.),
The Seventh Century: Change and Continuity
(London, 1992), 250-76, at 253; Herrin, 92, 141-7.

18
L. K. Little (ed.),
Plague and the End of Antiquity: The Pandemic of 541-750
(Cambridge, 2007), esp. H. N. Kennedy, 'Justinianic Plague in Syria and the Archaeological Evidence', 87-95, and P. Sarris, 'Bubonic Plague in Byzantium: The Evidence of Non-literary Sources', 119-32.

19
Herrin, 153-4.

20
A. Sterk,
Renouncing the World Yet Leading the Church: The Monk-bishop in Late Antiquity
(Cambridge, MA, and London, 2004), esp. 178-91.

21
Reference to this monastery as the 'Stoudion' or 'Studium' is inexact: R. Cholij,
Theodore the Stoudite: The Ordering of Holiness
(Oxford, 1996), 1n.

22
Ladder
, 7.50 (
Patrologia Graeca
, 88.812A), qu. J. Chryssavgis,
John Climacus: From the Egyptian Desert to the Sinaite Mountain
(Oxford, 2004), 161; on Evagrius, see ibid., 183 - 7.

23
Maximus's origins are controversial, thanks to the discovery by Sebastian Brock of an early, circumstantial and bitterly hostile biography of him, contradicting all other accounts: see A. Louth,
Maximus the Confessor
(London and New York, 1996), 4-7.

24
See Acts 17.34. Dionysius was a common name in the Classical world, which has lent extra confusion to the Syrian mystic's identity. For instance, he has elided into a totally different Dionysius, the martyr of Gaul, who may be more familiar as the French St-Denis (see pp. 324-5).

25
Chadwick, 59-60.

26
Compare discussion of Syrian theologians Isaac of Nineveh and John of Dalyatha, pp. 250-51.

27
Pseudo-Dionysius,
Celestial Hierarchy
, 3.1f., qu. Louth (ed.),
Maximus the Confessor
, 31.

28
Maximus,
Ambiguum
, 7 (
Patrologia Graeca
, 91.1081a), qu. M. Toronen,
Union and Distinction in the Thought of St Maximus the Confessor
(Oxford, 2007), 129.

29
Maximus,
Ambiguum
, 31 (
Patrologia Graeca
, 91.1285Bf), qu. ibid., 153-4.

30
Maximus,
Ambiguum
, 21 (
Patrologia Graeca
, 91.1249B, 1253D), qu. ibid., 161.

31
N. Russell,
The Doctrine of Deification in the Greek Patristic Tradition
(Oxford, 2004), 264.

32
Maximus,
Mystagogia
, 21 (
Patrologia Graeca
, 91.697a), qu. ibid., 272, and cf. ibid., 295.

33
Matthew 26.39; D. Bathrellos,
The Byzantine Christ: Person, Nature and Will in the Christology of St Maximus the Confessor
(New York, 2004), 121-6, 189-93.

34
Louth,
Maximus the Confessor
, 56-60.

35
Herrin, 108.

36
Exodus 20.4-5. The text has its variant in the other version of the Ten Commandments, Deuteronomy 5.8-9.

37
See excellent discussion of the whole question in M. Aston,
England's Iconoclasts I. Laws against Images
(Oxford, 1988), 371-92.

38
Humanity is never consistent and naturally there are indeed sculpted icons, among a wealth of other sculpted sacred imagery of Orthodox inspiration. For an illustration of a fine eleventh-century example of an icon depicting St George, preserved in that bastion of Orthodoxy, Mount Athos, see G. Speake,
Mount Athos: Renewal in Paradise
(New Haven and London, 2002), 49.