Christianity: The First Three Thousand Years (184 page)

62
S. Michalski,
The Reformation and the Visual Arts: The Protestant Image Question in Western and Eastern Europe
(London, 1993), 102, 135.

63
K. Ware,
The Orthodox Church
(London, 1994), 96.

64
A useful account of Lucaris's career is W. S. B. Patterson, 'Cyril Lukaris, George Abbot, James VI and I, and the Beginning of Orthodox-Anglican Relations', in P. Doll (ed.),
Anglicanism and Orthodoxy 300 Years after the 'Greek College' in Oxford
(Oxford and New York, 2006), 39-56, at 40-43.

65
MacCulloch, 331-2.

66
Patterson, 'Cyril Lukaris, George Abbot, James VI and I, and the Beginning of Orthodox- Anglican Relations', 51-2.

67
For discussion of why 'Calvinism' is an inexact term to describe Reformed Protestantism, see p. 618.

68
P. M. Kitromilides, 'Orthodoxy and the West: Reformation to Enlightenment', in Angold (ed.), 187-209, at 194-9. For the wider story, see J. Pinnington,
Anglicans and Orthodox: Unity and Subversion 1559-1725
(Leominster, 2003).

15: Russia: The Third Rome (900-1800)

1
J. Bately (ed.),
The Old English Orosius
(Early English Text Society, supplementary ser., 6, 1980), esp. p. 27, l. 15, and for discussion of authorship and dating, ibid., lxxiii-xcii. See also J. Nelson, 'England and the Continent in the Ninth Century: IV. Minds and Bodies',
TRHS
, 6th ser., 15 (2005), 1-28, at 2.

2
The apostrophe reflects pronunciation in Russian. The derivation of the name is still the subject of inconclusive controversy.

3
W. Duczko,
Viking Rus: Studies on the Presence of Scandinavians in Eastern Europe
(Leiden, 2004), esp. 34-5, 82, 101-10.

4
Herrin, 137; Chadwick, 170.

5
Herrin, 137; on the mission sponsored by Louis the Pious and Archbishop Abbo of Rheims in the 820s, see J. T. Palmer, 'Rimbert's
Vita Anskarii
and Scandinavian Mission in the 9th Century',
JEH
, 55 (2004), 235-56, esp. 235, 252.

6
Duczko,
Viking Rus
, 210-18, 257.

7
C. Holmes,
Basil II and the Governance of Empire (976-1025)
(Oxford, 2005), 513.

8
S. Franklin,
Writing, Society and Culture in Early Rus, c. 950-1300
(Cambridge, 2002), 105, 121.

9
Duczko,
Viking Rus
, 215.

10
Herrin, 213-14; Chadwick, 193-4. See also Holmes,
Basil II and the Governance of Empire (976-1025)
, 450-60, 510-11.

11
Duczko,
Viking Rus
, 10, 12, 79, 216-17. One of these Varangians has left a little graffito in runes on a parapet of the basilica of Hagia Sophia in Istanbul.

12
W. van den Bercken,
Holy Russia and Christian Europe: East and West in the Religious Ideology of Russia
(London, 1999), 38.

13
Stringer, 124-5. In Russian Orthodox usage, the word 'cathedral' has a different connotation from its usage in the West, where one church in a diocese is generally designated the cathedral church of the bishop. In Russia, a sacred area may often contain several churches designated cathedrals because of their relationship to the bishop - often quite small in ground plan, if not in architectural aspiration.

14
L. Hughes, 'Art and Liturgy in Russia: Rublev and His Successors', in Angold (ed.), 276-301, at 282.

15
K. Ware, 'Eastern Christianity', in Harries and Mayr-Harting (eds.), 65-95, at 88-9.

16
A. Vauchez,
Sainthood in the Later Middle Ages
(Cambridge, 1997), 147-56. For one mid-twelfth-century example of papal anger at wholly gratuitous popular canonization, of a Swede who was killed while he was drunk, D. Harrison, '
Quod magno nobis fuit horrori . . .
Horror, Power and Holiness within the Context of Canonization', in G. Klaniczay,
Proces de canonisation au moyen age: aspects juridiques et religieux. Medieval Canonization Processes: Legal and Religious Aspects
(Rome, 2004), 39-52.

17
I am grateful to Fr Christopher Hill of the Parish of the Monastery of St Andrew in Moscow for our discussion of Orthodoxy.

18
A. Ivanov,
Holy Fools in Byzantium and Beyond
(Oxford, 2006), 244-55.

19
van den Bercken,
Holy Russia and Christian Europe
, 45, 122-6; S. Senyk,
A History of the Church in Ukraine, I: To the End of the Thirteenth Century
(
Orientalia Christiana Analecta
, 243, 1993), 442-3.

20
P. Engel,
The Realm of St Stephen: A History of Medieval Hungary, 895-1526
(London and New York, 2001), 101-3.

21
D. Ostrowski, 'The Mongol Origins of Muscovite Political Institutions',
Slavic Review
, 49 (1990), 525-42, at 525n. The origins of the name 'Golden Horde' are in any case uncertain.

22
Hughes, 'Art and Liturgy in Russia', 276-7.

23
Ibid., 277.

24
V. L. Lanin, 'Medieval Novgorod', in M. Perrie,
The Cambridge History of Russia, I: from Early Rus' to 1689
(Cambridge, 2006), at 188-210, esp. 196, 204, 206-7.

25
S. Rock,'Russian Piety and OrthodoxCulture1380-1589', in Angold (ed.), 253-75, at 259.

26
S. Hackel, 'Diaspora Problems of the Russian Emigration', ibid., 539-57, at 540; on T'rnovo, see p. 473.

27
On liturgy, Ostrowski, 'Mongol Origins of Muscovite Political Institutions', 529, and on coinage, G. Alef, 'The Political Significance of the Inscriptions on Muscovite Coinage in the Reign of Vasili II',
Speculum
, 34 (1959), 1-19, at 5.

28
D. Ostrowski,
Muscovy and the Mongols: Cross-cultural Influences on the Steppe Frontier, 1304-1589
(Cambridge, 1998), 16-19. Often the rulers of Muscovy, Lithuania etc. are Englished as 'Grand Duke', but this title seems inadequate for such major powers, and 'Grand Prince' better conveys their position.

29
Snyder, 17-18.

30
P. Walters, 'Eastern Europe since the Fifteenth Century', in Hastings (ed.), 282-327, at 290; van den Bercken,
Holy Russia and Christian Europe
, 132.

31
Ostrowski,
Muscovy and the Mongols
, 23.

32
J. Shepard, 'The Byzantine Commonwealth 1000-1500', in Angold (ed.), 3-52, at 10, 29 - 32.

33
Hussey, 291-2.

34
Ibid., 292-3.

35
P. R. Magocsi,
A History of Ukraine
(Toronto, 1996), 163.

36
G. Alef, 'The Political Significance of the Inscriptions on Muscovite Coinage in the Reign of Vasili II', 6, although Alef prefers to relate the change to Vasilii's dynastic struggles. In a letter to the Byzantine emperor of 1451/2, the Grand Prince did not use the 'sovereign' title, while he did take care to use it for the Grand Prince of Lithuania: ibid., 8.

37
Shepard, 'The Byzantine Commonwealth 1000-1500', 44-6; Rock, 'Russian Piety and Orthodox Culture 1380-1589', 268.

38
W. B. Husband, 'Looking Backward, Looking Forward: The Study of Religion in Russia after the Fall',
JRH
, 31 (2007), 195-202, at 197.

39
Rock, 'Russian Piety and Orthodox Culture 1380-1589', 267.

40
Hughes, 'Art and Liturgy in Russia', 277, 289-91, 297.

41
Rock, 'Russian Piety and Orthodox Culture 1380-1589', 253-4.

42
Hughes, 'Art and Liturgy in Russia', 292.

43
Rock, 'Russian Piety and Orthodox Culture 1380-1589', 266-7.

44
Hughes, 'Art and Liturgy in Russia', 297.

45
Rock, 'Russian Piety and Orthodox Culture 1380-1589', 265-6.

46
G. Hosking,
Rulers and Victims: The Russians in the Soviet Union
(Cambridge, MA, 2006), 10.

47
Ostrowski,
Muscovy and the Mongols
, 222-30. On the Apollinarian heresy, see pp. 219-20.

48
Ostrowski,
Muscovy and the Mongols
, 226-7.

49
Walters, 'Eastern Europe since the Fifteenth Century', 292.

50
D. Goldfrank, 'Recentering Nil Sorskii: The Evidence from the Sources',
Russian Review
, 66 (2007), 359-76. Note in particular Goldfrank's reminder that there is no positive evidence of any debate on monastic wealth in a 'Council of Moscow' in 1503, or that Nil addressed such a council: ibid., 360n.

51
Ibid., 362, 375-6.

52
Rock, 'Russian Piety and Orthodox Culture 1380-1589', 259-60. On the Judaizers, see also G. H. Williams, 'Protestants in the Ukraine during the Period of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth',
Harvard Ukrainian Studies
, 2 (1978), 41-72, at 46-56.

53
Goldfrank, 'Recentering Nil Sorskii', 367.

54
Rock, 'Russian Piety and Orthodox Culture 1380-1589', 257; Husband, 'Looking Backward, Looking Forward', 197.

55
Ivanov,
Holy Fools
, 277-9, 303-10. The common usage of St Basil's name for the Cathedral of the Intercession is as recent as the Soviet years, when the shrine of St Basil was the only part of the building which remained in use for worship for any length of time after the 1917 Revolution.

56
The Russian word
grozny
would better be translated 'awe-inspiring' or 'formidable', but the traditional English usage probably conveys more about the real Ivan, besides being more picturesque.

57
For this and what follows, I. de Madariaga,
Ivan the Terrible
(New Haven and London, 2005), Chs. 3-6.

58
F. J. Thomson, 'The Legacy of SS. Cyril and Methodios in the Counter-Reformation', in E. Konstantinou (ed.),
Methodios und Kyrillos in ihrer europaischen Dimension
(Frankfurt am Main and Oxford, 2005), 85-247, at 126-7. On the Council of Trent, see pp. 664-8.

59
de Madariaga,
Ivan the Terrible
, 293. She rejects the idea that Ivan was illiterate: ibid., 44.

60
Ibid., 382.

61
Ostrowski,
Muscovy and the Mongols
, 239, 241: quotation slightly altered.

62
Snyder, 106-7.

63
Magocsi,
A History of Ukraine
, 164. See also B. A. Gudziak,
Crisis and Reform: The Kyivan Metropolitanate, the Patriarchate of Constantinople, and the Genesis of the Union of Brest
(Cambridge, MA, 1998).

64
Snyder, 123.

65
Magocsi,
A History of Ukraine
, 166.

66
N. Davies,
God's Playground: A History of Poland. 1: The Origins to 1795
(Oxford, 1981), 174-5; J. Kloczowski,
A History of Polish Christianity
(Cambridge, 2000), 118.

67
H. Louthan, 'Mediating Confessions in Central Europe: The Ecumenical Activity of Valerian Magni, 1586-1661',
JEH
, 55 (2004), 681-99, at 694.

68
Ibid., 696.

69
L. M. Charipova, 'Peter Mohyla's Translation of
The Imitation of Christ
',
HJ
, 46 (2003), 237 - 61.

70
L. M. Charipova,
Latin Books and the Eastern Orthodox Clerical Elite in Kiev, 1632- 1780
(Manchester, 2006), esp. Ch. 4.

71
S. Plokhy,
The Cossacks and Religion in Early Modern Ukraine
(Oxford, 2002), esp. Ch. 2.

72
Snyder, 112-17; R. Crummey, 'Eastern Orthodoxy in Russia and Ukraine in the Age of the Counter-Reformation', in Angold (ed.), 302-24, at 323.

73
Snyder, 118-19.

74
Walters, 'Eastern Europe since the Fifteenth Century', 296.

75
Stringer, 199-200.

76
R. O. Crummey, 'Ecclesiastical Elites and Popular Belief and Practice in Seventeenth-century Russia', in J. D. Tracy and M. Ragnow (eds.),
Religion and the Early Modern State: Views from China, Russia and the West
(Cambridge, 2004), 52-79.

77
For Havvakum's autobiography, see K. N. Bostrom (tr.),
Archpriest Avvakum: The Life Written by Himself
(Ann Arbor, 1979). I have consulted the version at
http://www.swentelomania.be/avvakum/frames.html
.

78
On the carnival equipment and the bears, see Crummey, 'Ecclesiastical Elites and Popular Belief and Practice in Seventeenth-century Russia', 60.

79
J. Cracraft,
The Petrine Revolution in Russian Culture
(Cambridge, 2004), 40-41, 259-60, 267, 276-83, 293-300.

80
A recent learned and ingenious attempt to show that Peter's revels were inspired by his religious vision of the Transfiguration has not won great acceptance for its central thesis: E. A. Zitser,
The Transfigured Kingdom: Sacred Parody and Charismatic Authority at the Court of Peter the Great
(Ithaca NY, 2004).

81
Binns, 191.

82
Crummey, 'Ecclesiastical Elites and Popular Belief and Practice in Seventeenth-century Russia', 77.

83
See pp. 849-50, and G. L. Freeze, 'Russian Orthodoxy: Church, People and Politics in Imperial Russia', in D. Lieven (ed.),
The Cambridge History of Russia: II: Imperial Russia, 1689-1917
(Cambridge, 2006), 284-305, at 293-4; also L. Manchester,
Holy Fathers, Secular Sons: Clergy, Intelligentsia and the Modern Self in Revolutionary Russia
(DeKalb, IL, 2008). On seminary education and its poor image, often propagated by former students, ibid., Ch. 5.

84
A good summary discussion of this is G. Hosking, 'Trust and Distrust: A Suitable Theme for Historians?',
TRHS
, 6th ser., 16 (2006), 95-116, at 98.