Read Colonize This!: Young Women of Color on Today's Feminism Online

Authors: Daisy Hernández,Bushra Rehman

Tags: #Social Science, #Feminism & Feminist Theory, #Minority Studies, #Women's Studies

Colonize This!: Young Women of Color on Today's Feminism (29 page)

BOOK: Colonize This!: Young Women of Color on Today's Feminism
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Salvation
 
In the years after my nine-month stay in the Dominican Republic, I climbed out of my pit of fear and entered into an angry stalemate with men on the street. I viewed the sexual abuse in the Dominican Republic as a more extreme expression of the verbal harassment I had become accustomed to on U.S. streets. The molestation was certainly more painful than catcalls, but the verbal and physical violations in the Dominican Republic and the United States both hinged on men’s relationship to women as objects for gratification.
After I left college and grew into womanhood, my old avoidance tactics became too cowardly for me to stomach. Rather than lying about my phone number or my relationship status, I learned to say “I’m not interested.” As a grown woman, I understood what I did not know as a teen: I am not bound to respond to men’s overtures. Accusations of meanness left me unmoved, I refused to engage in any unsolicited conversation. Freed of my adolescent compulsion to be kind to strangers, I enforced my own agenda with a stubborn willfulness. Rather than cross the street in avoidance, I would plow straight through groups of men, offering a loud “Good morning” or “Good evening” as I walked past. The men were often shocked into silence. By the time they got their game together, I had already passed them by. Despite my new protective tactics, the old rages still owned me. My behavior still consisted of premeditated defensive acts aimed at dismantling male aggression, and random men still had the power to ruin my day.
Four years after my return from the Dominican Republic, miniskirts were no longer part of my wardrobe and most of my warm weather tops were T-shirts rather than tank tops. With a suitcase full of modest clothing, I traveled to the city of Salvador in Brazil’s northeastern state of Bahia. From the moment I arrived in Bahia, I was immersed in a culture that exuberantly embraces skin exposure. Rather than cover up their bodies in an attempt to avoid harassment, Brazilian women display an over-the-top sexiness. Many Brazilian girls and women dressed modestly, but I was amazed to see little girls trained in sexy dress from girlhood. In Bahia fatty flesh was displayed as proudly and blatantly as well-muscled limbs, and even pregnant women sported string bikinis.
After days of fruit and heat, I fell in step with the trend. Especially on beach days, I would wear thigh-bearing shorts and skirts and little triangular halter tops. On one such day I walked past a group of men, my bare legs uncovered, my braless breasts jiggling. Without being consciously aware of it, I was on the alert, waiting for some comment to trail after me as I passed. But I heard nothing; not one word, not even a whisper. Their silence rocked my world. In the quiet of the moment I caught myself thinking, “If I am dressed like this, how can they let me slip by without comment?” Through that renegade thought, I was shocked to discover some small dark corner of my heart where I was holding onto self-blame. My indoctrination of woman as victim had been more complete than I had imagined.
The Dogon, the ancient West African astronomists, philosophers and mystics, believe there are multiple levels of knowledge. For a concept to be fully integrated in the human psyche, it has to be learned, the Dogon say, from the front, from the side and from the back. From the front I understood that I was not responsible for men’s decision to harass me. It was an intellectual knowing that had no practical proof. From the side I had gathered quantifiable experiences in the Dominican Republic that destroyed any argument that clothing caused sexual harassment. Now, here I arrived to the back, to the heart of the matter. On the most profound level of knowing, I learned I could be a woman—covered or uncovered—and move through the world without censure. I felt the burden of being a desirable thing slipping from my fingers. The blame of causing chaos on the street and the shame of creating deviant behavior in men disappeared.
The slaughter I had unknowingly walked into in the Dominican Republic was being soothed by an equally unexpected gift. These Brazilian men—with their sexist presumption that I should walk around exposed—helped to free me of the expectation of abuse. The false responsibility I had been nursing for men’s behavior began to wash away. Even in the following days when a large group of boys yelled, “Hey, look, a girl all alone” during a street festival; even as the low whispers of gostoso (sexy, literally, “tasty”) fluttered by my ears as I wandered the streets of Bahia—I recognized street harassment as men’s drama, not mine. I acknowledged it as something I am forced to navigate but never again would I take the accountability, pain and anger home with me.
By the time my cousin came to visit months later, I had totally embraced the Brazilian style of dress. “You look cute,” she told me, her eyes taking in my bare skin with surprise. “I could never dress like that.” I told her about the men in the calm neighborhood of Santo Antonio, where I lived. Though I had heard tales of extreme harassment in neighborhoods further from the center of the city, I raved about the freedom I experienced on the streets near my home. In response, she grunted noncommittally, a sound that told me she believed my words, but the reality of it just could not sink into her body. Later at the house she went through my clothes. Looking at the pieces of cloth held together with strings, she said, “I would love to be able to wear this.” “Put it on, wear it, nobody’s gonna bother you,” I said. She thought about it for a second and shook her head, “No, that’s alright.” She put on a T-shirt instead.
Wandering through my Brazilian neighborhood that afternoon, we entered into a passionate conversation about something—family, art, love—and we strolled past a group of men. Though we were entrenched in a conversation, my cousin stopped abruptly and said “They didn’t say anything!” I could tell by the wonder and incredulity in her voice that she, too, had never imagined she could walk past a group of men and not be harassed. Her surprise at being granted freedom was a moment of painful validation. Her expectation of abuse was so immediate, so adamant, that it substantiated my historic anger about catcallers. Her reaction showed me that my fixation on the issue was neither exaggerated nor unwarranted. At the same time it was heartbreaking because it meant the force I had to muster up just to walk down the street is required not just of me as an individual but of a whole society of women. Suddenly I imagined legions of women futilely employing defensive motions to navigate the sexually hostile environment of their city’s streets. The next day my cousin wore that halter top.
Reconciliation
 
Just as there are women who travel to the Dominican Republic unscathed, there are women who travel to Brazil and suffer extreme violations. There is no Shangri-la, no magic safe space to heal women’s wounds of harassment. As feminists, we need to approach catcalling from the front, from the side and from the back. It’s not enough to condemn men’s behavior—we must also heal our past hurts, remove our assumptions and create positive forms of interactions. As women, it is essential that we share our harassment stories with our children (male and female), our sisters, our brothers, our parents and our lovers. Our brothers are potential catcallers, our husbands may have molested girls as teenage boys, our daughters may need a context for the aggression they are forced to thwart in their public lives. Our stories are healing, they tell us that we are not alone. Our experiences are instructive, they point to options for managing the fear and diverting the aggression.
Today I can identify exactly what catcalling is and how it functions in women’s lives. At its most basic level catcalling is sexual harassment. Verbal assaults, invitations and compliments are opportunities for men to demonstrate who is predator and who is prey. One catcall yanks a woman out of the category of human being and places her firmly in the position of sexual object. While men readily admit to the assertive flirtatiousness of catcalling, they fail to acknowledge the veiled aggression that often accompanies the act. Depending on a woman’s response, catcalls can go from solicitous to angry. There is often a violent edge lurking under the surface causing women to question their safety. When a man screams (or whispers) something inappropriate to a woman, the harassment inserts itself into her consciousness whether she interacts with the catcaller or not. With intrusive overtures catcallers assume the right to engage a woman in a sexual fashion without her permission. This presumptuous crossing of intimate and sexual boundaries is a painful disempowering force. Relentless catcalls destroy women’s power to define their own parameters for public interaction. Rather than face the world on their terms, many women walk the streets burdened by anxiety, discomfort and fearfulness.
The reality of the situation is dire, yet since my return from Brazil, I have ceased to think of men as the enemy and myself as the victim. I prefer to think of the catcallers as individuals who choose to yell and rub their groins and aggressively pursue conversations with me. Male expectations and verbal aggression still anger me, but my mental stress is significantly diminished. Rather than try to block their ignorance, I float beyond it. I know now without a doubt that male aggression is not caused by me.
I am aware that men don’t consider the cumulative effect of unwelcome sexual comments. Instead, they focus on their individual moment of interaction, insisting that they were just being men. I take a similar attittude when dealing with them now. My response to catcalls are based on my feelings and the man’s attitude. If a man asks me my name, I might say “no,” refusing to enter the game. If he seems rational, I might reason with him. “Look,” I may say, “You had your choice of whether or not you wanted to talk to me. Shouldn’t I have a choice of whether or not I want to give you my number?” If I have the time, and they seem gentle enough, I might enter into a philosophical conversation. When I once refused to give a man my number, he asked, “Why you being so mean?” I said, “You don’t want me to give you my number just to be nice, do you? Don’t you want me to actually like you?” He thought about it, and said, “Yeah, I guess so.” I guess men get caught up in the game, too.
Just as often as women get caught up deflecting the attack, men get caught up pursuing the goal. An ideal interaction with a catcaller snaps him out of his gender-based assessment of me as an object and informs him that I am a human being. Sometimes with a few words, a man can be reminded that I am not that different from him. I too would like to choose who I interact with, sit in silence if I feel like it and make friends based on my interest not because of the force of their aggression. Should a feminist force rise to transform the streets into a safety zone, that force would need to reeducate men. It would need to teach them that every women is not a flirtation waiting to be fulfilled, a conversation waiting for an introduction, nor do we exist to respond to every invitation or overture. Women are individuals with desires, preferences, prejudices and pet peeves. And we want as much control over our own interactions as men demand for themselves.
Living Outside the Box
 
Pandora L. Leong
 
 
 
 
 
Humor can be very revealing. The joke about me at the office first arose during a discussion of the department’s anniversary display. “Perhaps we should have something interactive. The rooms are actually pretty nice; we could set up a simulated cell,” someone suggested. The commissioner turned to me. “You could stand around inside in a jumpsuit—you could easily pass as one of the kids.” A director added, “And then there wouldn’t be confidentiality issues!” Everyone laughed. I felt uncomfortable even as I laughed at the prospect of being displayed in a cage. They didn’t really see me that way, did they? The actual kids were protected from this exhibition because “we” were the central office for the Department of Juvenile Justice.
This joke turned passing on its head. The typical child in the system is fifteen, black or Latino and male. New York City is one of three jurisdictions in the nation where a sixteen-year-old is considered an adult in the criminal justice system. The Department of Juvenile Justice detains youth who have been arrested or who face a court order, hardly an advantageous identity to borrow. And at some level, I am as “other” as the kids. While I can also pass for middle class, as a “model minority” and in the role of a heterosexual thanks to the preconceptions of society, none of these categories accurately describe me. All too often I find myself in a box inside someone’s head, despite both the facts and my desires.
My experience and my feminism have been influenced by the ways race, class and gender intersect. Over the years I have tried to remain mindful of how I pass and how I challenge assumptions. I have consciously chosen not to pass out of solidarity and out of my own anger. Our “colorblind society” not only devalues our differences but also denies our experiences, thereby eliminating the potential for empowerment—and revolution. Passing is dangerous because inherent in denying our identities, we allow presumptions to stand uncontested.
On the flip side of passing, anyone with darker skin endures the constant suspicions of society, manifested in everyone from nervous store clerks to hostile police officers. I grew accustomed to fitting that profile long before I encountered the Department of Juvenile Justice. Less laughter usually accompanies experiences with “security” personnel. Both cops and those who function like cops act to protect the powers of the state, in the most immediate sense, against the marginalized: they exist to watch people who look like me.
Near my university campus in Oregon, for example, open season was declared once the sun set. “Hey! Where do you think you’re going?” a voice yelled through the darkness. Walking while brown in middle-class neighborhoods can be the pedestrian equivalent to driving while black. Uniforms boasting the crest of the college emerged. As they approached, they demanded, “What are you doing here?” These confrontations usually occurred when I was on my way to fencing class, when I dressed in baggy track pants and an old T-shirt with a bandana tying back my hair. To eyes unaccustomed to brown skin, my attire transformed me into a Latino adolescent at dusk. These officers presumed that those of us who don’t
look
like the Cleavers didn’t belong—whether that meant at the campus, in the state or on the planet was unclear.
“Despite the abruptness of your tone, I was merely headed to the gym. Done with the inquisition?” I replied. Whether it was the pitch of my voice clarifying what the sports bra obscured or the unexpected manner of speech verifying my association with the university, my mouth got me out of trouble. Even in the face of my anger, this encounter ended with an apology and a statement of concern about “keeping the streets safe.” “From people who look like me” hung in the air. Just what kind of society were they trying to secure?
In that confrontation I escaped by passing for middle class. My unexpected words collapsed the expectations of those assigned to protect me about who they were supposed to protect but reinforced other stereotypes about education. Racial categories shape these assumptions. Proper English sounds “white” while Spanish accents and Black English are often dismissed as uneducated. I was just misidentified, but the kids locked up in New York fit the demographics. A mere 10 percent of detained youth in New York read at the seventh-grade level or above, despite an average age of fifteen. Only those with access to resources—that is, education—enjoy the latitude to cop an attitude.
 
Although in some ways I had been passing for middle class my entire life, the reality was very different from the image I invoked. Growing up in Alaska, a sense of geographic isolation shaped my relationship with the world. The climate teaches a certain level of self-reliance, while endorsing a macho attitude about enduring pain and ridiculous extremes. “The Last Frontier” does not tolerate weakness, nor does it forgive those who don’t survive. The gold miners and fur trappers have given way to loggers, fishermen and, of course, the oil industry, but conservative values continue to dominate the political landscape. Not an easy place to grow up on the margins. At six years old my life got even more complicated when my father was seriously injured at work. My mother had been at home since my older brother was born; she began a yearlong job search. While she looked, food stamps kept rice on the table.
By watching my parents, I knew you could work hard and still not attain the American dream. The myth of the universal middle class in the States suppresses discussion about individual economic circumstances and prevents a widespread critique of the social factors that perpetuate inequality. The polite silence about poverty instills a sense of shame. I do not apologize for growing up poor, and I refuse to pretend that I grew up middle class. Class consciousness wasn’t something I learned about at the small, liberal arts college where everyone called themselves middle class so that they could pretend life was fair. When I got my first full-time job at fourteen, I made the same hourly rate as my mother. The truth may make people uncomfortable—that truth makes me uncomfortable—but it doesn’t begin to compete with living that reality.
In New York City uncomfortable truths are everywhere. One evening at the end of my first month in the city, I was riding home on the subway when a man walked through the car trying to sell batteries. His exacting neatness only emphasized the shabbiness of his clothes. His backpack filled with boxes of double A’s grew more onerous as the hours he walked through the trains passed. “One dahl-la, one dahl-la, one dahl-la,” he chanted to the indifferent passengers. I am typically indifferent as well, but on that evening I heard my father’s accent in his voice. Given this man’s tones, our fathers may have been born in neighboring villages. Here he was selling batteries to irritable New York commuters while I was college-educated, completing a fellowship and enjoying health care.
Contrasting his life and mine only begins to explore the gross disparities in our society. With a degree, a legitimate job and the ability to get sick without worrying about the cost, my life is a relative cakewalk when considered in the context of most lives in New York. Critics of affirmative action rally around equal opportunity as an acceptable goal, ignoring the fact that no opportunities are equal if one of us doesn’t have enough to eat. I am appalled at the gulf that separates the vast majority from the privileged few. The prospects for that man industriously selling batteries in the subway can’t compare with those born with trust funds or whose fathers were presidents. You can’t pull yourself up by your bootstraps when you don’t have shoes.
The random chance of my advantages haunts me in a world where so many others suffer. Though we live in vastly different circumstances now, that man in the subway and I still seem to have much in common on the surface. Our fathers may have worked on adjacent farms. We were also similarly attired in men’s dress shirts and slacks. And this society often considers us indistinguishable. Many of us have lived at the margins of society, and in some eyes we will always belong there, no matter what we attain.
As a child of ethnically Asian parents, I am considered part of the “model minority.” Expectations characterize us as studious and polite. These days we are often depicted as hard-working immigrants building a better life, but that has not always been the case. During World War II internment camps were set up for 120,000 Japanese Americans, even as many of their sons, brothers and fathers fought for the Allies. The Chinese Exclusion Acts continued to block immigration until 1943, lumping us with pirates and prostitutes; for the following two decades, an annual limit of 105 people who were at least half Chinese continued. Regardless of whether the boxes commend us or condemn us, Wen Ho Lee’s 278 day solitary confinement illustrates that people often expect that our skin determines our loyalties and our character. As long as our Asian ancestors are visible in our faces, we remain perpetually foreign.
Inquiries about my country of origin usually greet me. Compliments on my English have become routine. Upon introduction, people speak slowly and loudly with sincere hopes to facilitate comprehension. This caused such frustration when I started university that I began asking for verbal SAT scores when someone introduced themselves in a patronizing manner. I collected the scores for about a quarter of my dorm the first month. These days, being classified as East Asian doesn’t result in hostility as much as an assumption of otherness. For the most part, brown skin and almond eyes translate to a lack of English skill, a talent for math, a quiet demeanor and, most profoundly, the expectation of another culture so close at hand that it has stained my skin.
I once hoped that these presumptions were limited to the States. However, an early morning in Dover, England, revealed the folly of my optimism. As I waited to return to London, a woman struck up a conversation.
“Where are you from?”
“The States.”
“No, where are you
really
from?”
“Alaska.”
“No,
where
are you
really
from?”
Four A.M. was too early for this exchange. “I was born in the United States.”
“Where were your
parents
born?”
She really wanted to know in what box I belonged. I’ve always thought that “Why are you brown?” would be a more honest question. My mother had to pass a naturalization exam to become a citizen, requiring that she learn far more about the United States than any citizen by birth will ever be obliged to know. I am not “American” in the colloquial sense, but not because I can’t remember in what year the Constitution was written. My identification as “American” is inconceivable because I clearly do not look like the dominant blond, blue-eyed notion of an “American.” The term itself presumes such exclusivity that it disregards all of Central and South America as well as Canada, and Mexico.
These issues may seem trivial but their constant abrasion leaves wounds raw. When people look at me, they cannot see my leftist feminist views or my childhood in Alaska. They do not see years of activism for reproductive rights, queer rights or domestic violence. Progressive politics have left no marks on my skin. People see my complexion and, if they pay attention, almond eyes. The assumptions revolve around Western markers for an Eastern ethnicity, but they fail to factor in individual circumstances or experiences. About the only thing I share with the Mongol hoards is an assertive attitude. I do not read Chinese or know anything about acupuncture. I don’t enjoy any special aptitude for science, and I am hardly inscrutable. Demure isn’t in my vocabulary. And I don’t play the violin.
Gender adds another lovely layer of expectations to explode. In addition to dispensing with “quiet” and “shy,” I cheerfully refute “submissive” and “sexually available.” The cultural mystique of the Asian female assigns her the personality—and autonomy—of an inflatable doll. Two hundred years brought us from
Madame Butterfly
to
Miss Saigon;
stories of “Oriental” women sacrificing themselves for the selfishness of Western men still saturate the image of Asian females in the States. Just as the victors write the history, those in power establish the stereotypes. The distortion they establish suits their interests, one that serves them and enjoys it. The back pages of the
Village Voice,
a bastion of liberal leanings, are filled with “exotic Oriental teens” drawn from the primeval fantasies that can only have social resonance among those ignorant of our actual cultures. The presence of “hot Asian babe” in the national lexicon results in the unwanted advances of men who do not seem to understand that this is not Thailand and I am not a whore.
 
I embraced feminism because it fought the attitude that women were born to please men. Asian women also fight a racial characterization that further entrenches these archaic assumptions about sex. Stories of Asian mail-order brides whose husbands are enchanted by their willingness to cook and clean and service them in every other way leave me wondering where these women’s real options are. I am infuriated by the delusions that allow many men in this country to think that an educated intelligent individual with citizenship and economic options would freely choose such a situation. I rarely clean my own bathroom—why the hell would I want to clean anyone else’s?
As an Asian woman today, I find myself in the same struggle that Mary Wollstonecraft wrote about in the late 1700s. However, my experience suggests that within the subculture of Asian women, I am also fighting a cultural consciousness that favors a duty to society over the spirit of independence. Individualism may have been a Western male value, but at least it was a Western value. White feminists only had to democratize it; as an Asian feminist, I must introduce it. Asian society places a premium on social order and the advancement of the community; you are taught to sublimate individual desires for the good of the whole. In the Asian worldview I experienced growing up, not only does the individual depend on society, but women—as the weaker sex—depend on men. The depiction of women as needy servants of men enraged me, especially when used to buttress traditional roles and to fortify the heterosexual compact.
BOOK: Colonize This!: Young Women of Color on Today's Feminism
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