Fox at the Front (Fox on the Rhine) (59 page)

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Authors: Douglas Niles,Michael Dobson

BOOK: Fox at the Front (Fox on the Rhine)
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“We don’t have a single road into Berlin, is that right?” the Supreme Commander asked tiredly, rubbing his forehead. He had not been to bed, even as the dispatches from Berlin had slowed to a trickle through the long, dark night. But neither had there been any news that substantially changed the situation.
“I’m afraid not, General,” said Beetle Smith. “The Reds overran Highway One-Thirty-Five with Zhukov’s attack. Their paratroops grabbed Highway Twenty-Four, and they’re fortifying like crazy, until the ground troops get up.”
“And the autobahn was destroyed by goddamn communist saboteurs?” Ike demanded, already knowing the answer.
“Well, the long bridge is gone, yes sir. And with Konev’s men moving up from the south, it will be impossible for us to rebuild it in the foreseeable future.”
“So General Patton and Third Army—not to mention all the airborne troops, and a million German civilians—are surrounded by the Red Army. Cut off. Trapped.” He spat each painful word, and they were as harsh on his ears as they were on his tongue. Smith didn’t answer, and Ike drew a breath and continued.
“What we do have are airfields—at least a dozen landing strips within the ring, right?”
“Including Tempelhof and Gatow, sir, a couple of large airports.”
“Then that is our supply line. We’re going to feed those soldiers and civilians, and arm and resupply our boys, by air. At least until we see how this thing sorts out. Get me all the transport commands—I don’t care who you have to wake up. Better get ahold of Harris and the rest of the bomber generals, too. Before this thing is over, we might be using B-17s to haul grain.”
“Right away, General. Harris is already here, and the rest will be landing at Reims by dawn.”
General Eisenhower looked at the map, then turned his eyes to the sky that was still dark outside of his office window. It seemed that this war had changed a great deal since the sun had gone down the night before.
He could only wonder what the new day would bring.
There were relatively few intact buildings in the city center, and that was a good argument for holding the truce meeting there—low risk of ambush. A Russian and an American Third Army crew had prepared the area overnight; there were white flags, a conference table, coffee service, the basics. Armed troops bristled along the edges like porcupine quills as the principals arrived: Zhukov and Konev from the Soviet side, along with two aides and a translator; Rommel and Patton from the SHAEF side with the same. Sanger felt lucky to have wangled a spot—but as the cars pulled out into no-man’s-land he wondered if he had outsmarted himself. It was mighty lonely and exposed out there.
There was a cease-fire in place; now they needed to make it official. The business of modern siegecraft now included the business of establishing a secure telephone link between the military headquarters of the opposing forces, making sure that it was monitored twenty-four hours a day, ensuring that minor incidents didn’t boil up into major ones, agreeing on protocols, even planning future meetings. Of course, most of the future meetings wouldn’t involve nearly so many stars.
The body language among the generals was very interesting. Zhukov and Patton were somewhat alike, as were Konev and Rommel. The resemblances were not close, but they were there. Zhukov and Patton were men who might have fought on the same side, had things worked out differently—though Patton was clear and unambiguous in his hatred of the Soviets. And Rommel was still an enemy even after changing sides, though an enemy who had never fought a Russian before.
The men got down to work.
General Groves looked up as the secretary of war came through the door.
“Yes, Mr. Secretary?”
“You’ve heard the details about Berlin?”
“Yes, sir.” Nobody in the Pentagon had been talking about anything else for the last four days. “Patton is surrounded, but we’re keeping Third Army supplied by air. So far as it stands, we and the Russkis are not yet in a shooting war. Is that about it?”
“The high points, yes,” said Secretary Stimson, dryly. “I’ve just been to see the president.”
Groves raised his eyebrows, not because it was unusual for the secretary of war to visit his chief executive, but because the clear implication seemed to be that this meeting had something to do with him. Or at least, with his gadget.
“I’ve got the preliminary crews out on Tinian,” Groves said, referring to one of the Pacific islands, captured last year, that provided a bombing base for B-29s within range of the Japanese homeland. “But I’m guessing you’ll be putting that operation on hold.”
Stimson shook his head. “Not for sure, yet. Keep your boys at it, out in the Pacific. But we’re going to need a contingency plan—bases, security personnel, a new scheme of operations—in case there’s a change in the plan.”
“A change,” Groves said. “A big change, I take it?”
“The president doesn’t know for sure. But depending on the actions of that old crook in the Kremlin, there’s a chance that we’ll need your gadget in Europe.”
Kim Philby did not like odd feelings; it was too often the case that an odd feeling was the subconscious mind’s early-stage detection of proto-clues. Yet ever since he had begun his probe of the secret project code-named Tube Alloys there was a growing sense that something was not quite right.
He did not ignore his feeling. He paid careful attention to individuals and cars on the street, looking for anyone unfamiliar to him who showed up more often than chance would allow. He made some random variations in his routine to see who, if anyone, would shift along with him. Nothing. That meant little, of course. It was easy to detect one or two people spying on you, but a large enough team could rotate members in and out so as to blend seamlessly into the urban environment.
He could not stop his work; he continued his methodical inquiry. However, he made sure that his passport and travel documents were easily accessible at all times, that he had sufficient liquidity for a rapid getaway, that his multiple preplanned escape routes were all still there. If he needed to, he could jump with a rapidity that would surprise even experienced professionals. He would not be brought easily to bay.
He finished his curry, sitting at a table facing the restaurant door, patted his mouth with his napkin, left money for bill and tip, took coat and umbrella from the stand, and walked out, tipping his hat to the lovely sari-clad hostess, wife of the proprietor.
It was the night for the park-bench drop, and the Lisson Grove lamppost had told him to expect a delivery there. He picked up an evening paper, and sat down to read for a good ten minutes before slipping his hand underneath to pull forth the waiting envelope. The reading time had given him ample opportunity to scan the area around him. Anyone could loiter unobtrusively for a minute or two; it was nearly impossible to stand around for ten minutes without being noticed. As far as Philby could see, there were no observers.
Another ten minutes of reading, and then he folded the paper neatly, envelope tucked invisibly inside, placed the paper underneath his arm, and sauntered back to his flat. At his desk, he opened the envelope and took out a sheaf of documents. It was the personnel information he’d been waiting for.
Fascinating. There were nearly thirty-five scientists on the list. While there were experts in gaseous diffusion, inorganic chemistry, and metallurgy, the
most common specialty was nuclear physics. Even more fascinating, all thirty-five had vanished from Great Britain for unspecified destinations in America. No forwarding addresses in the States; any mail was to be forwarded through the Division of Tube Alloys.
Now, why would the States need thirty-five British scientists, mostly nuclear physicists? As to that, Kim Philby was fairly sure he had the answer without the need for further research. He was a man of many interests, widely read and happily curious. Not for him the artificial distinction between men of science and men of arts and letters. No, to be a man of the twentieth century required appreciation of both worlds, and to be a communist required an understanding of the new tools and technologies with which the proletariat revolution would be built.
One of those tools would be the atom. As swords could be pounded into sickles, the atom had potential both for peace and for war. Tube Alloys, then, was the British portion of what must be a joint Anglo-American quest for the ultimate weapon: the atomic bomb.
Yes, this was the answer to Chairman Stalin’s question. This was the ace up FDR’s sleeve. This was how the Western Allies expected to keep Berlin. Of course, Philby could expect a host of follow-on questions, but frankly, he could predict a number of them himself. He would write his report, then go to work on answering the questions he knew perfectly well he would be asked.
There was no samovar in evidence this time, Hartnell Stone noted. There was no gift for the president, no exchange of jokes or inquiries about health. This was purely business. Josef Stalin sat behind his desk and waited, silent as a stone, for the American ambassador and the Presidential envoy to sit down.
“Good afternoon, Chairman Stalin,” Averrell Harriman finally said.
Stalin did not respond.
After a pause, Harriman handed over an envelope. “I bring you a formal protest from the government of the United States of America. Your troops have surrounded units of the United States Army and are interfering with our legitimate operations. We ask and require that these troops be removed immediately.”
Stalin looked at the envelope on his desk, then back at the ambassador. Finally, he spoke. “The People’s Army of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics has moved into territory of the criminal Nazi regime, a mutual declared enemy of both the Soviet Union and the United States of America, in accordance with the laws and customs of war, and in accordance with international agreements and treaties made with the United States in Casablanca and in Teheran. We have every right to be where we are. Your protest is noted, and it is rejected.”
Hartnell studied the Soviet dictator’s face. It was quite a contrast from their previous meeting. Stalin had previously appeared open and friendly, though with an inner core of steel. The man before him now was as stolid and unemotional as any cliché Russian—even if he was Georgian, not that Stone had ever met another Georgian to know what they were like.
He looked at Harriman. Interestingly enough, Harriman, who could also be friendly and open in his manner, was just as stoic and rigid in his own demeanor—two mechanical men repeating tape-recorded comments to one another.
Stalin continued to speak. “The State Defense Council of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics now has a message for the United States of America. In light of previous agreements with the United States, and in light of recent discoveries in Poland, we have recognized a new German government as the legitimate postwar representatives of the German people. This provisional structure, the German People’s Republic, has selected as its premier
Walter Ulbricht, and as its capital, the city of Berlin. This new government has dedicated itself to the goal of rooting out German criminality and aggression at all levels.”
Stalin looked severely at Harriman and Stone. “We are aware that another provisional government has been declared, but it has no inherent legitimacy. Until full and free elections can be held, the German People’s Republic will be the legitimate government in the portion of Germany now occupied by the Soviet Army. Accordingly, all foreign troops must vacate the city at once. The Soviet Army will provide guarantees of safe conduct for the withdrawal of forces.”
Harriman stood up. “The United States of America has received your message, and I am confident that I can speak for the president when I say that this message is rejected utterly and in its entirety. Before I can speak further on this matter, I will have to withdraw for consultations with my government.”
Stalin remained seated. “You may consult with your government, Ambassador Harriman. In the meantime, the status quo in Berlin and eastern Germany shall remain, in the absence of hostile or aggressive moves by your forces.”
“Or yours, Chairman Stalin.”
“That goes without saying. The Soviet Army will not commit provocative behavior. We do not wish war, Ambassador Harriman, but we will not allow our rights and interests to be trampled upon.”
“Nor will we. Thank you for your time today, Chairman Stalin.”
“Good day, Ambassador Harriman.”
EXCERPT FROM
WAR’S FINAL FURY,
BY PROFESSOR JARED GRUENWALD
The Siege of Berlin, as it came to be known, was a strange evolution in international relations, following as it did the five and a half years of near-total war that had torn apart the continent of Europe. The initial attack, a crushing blow delivered only to the German elements of the coalition force, was a deft stroke. To be sure, there were other casualties as the Soviet jaws closed around the city—several hundred American soldiers lost their lives in the short-lived defense of Berlin’s lifelines, and the Red Army suffered at least comparable losses. But none of the clashes resulted in the kind of pitched and bloody battle that begins a war.
Once the ring had been closed, Marshal Zhukov—and Chairman Stalin, of course—was content to play a waiting game. He reinforced his encircling troops with tanks and infantry, and an almost incomprehensible massing of artillery. To the west of Berlin his troops established a line some thirty or forty kilometers wide, with entrenchments facing inward,
toward the city, and outward, challenging the combined forces of American, British, and even a few French divisions, all drawn up to face the encircled city.
But for nearly thirteen weeks, nobody moved, nobody attacked. Sometimes it seemed as if nobody even dared to breathe.
There is little doubt that the Soviet juggernaut could have battled their way through the defenses established by Patton and his subordinate forces, should they have been commanded to proceed. After all, the numbers alone would have indicated such an outcome.
The defending forces included the combat elements of some fifteen divisions of Third Army (four of them armored divisions), as well as three airborne divisions (two American and one British), and the remains of the three divisions of the DDR army (one, Panzer Lehr, an armored division). Patton had overall command of the encircled forces, all of whom were veteran troops with good skills and plenty of equipment. Circumstances on the ground dictating administrative matters, the entire force was called the Army of Berlin, and numbered some 200,000 combat troops.
A brief note about command: Although Rommel held the superior rank, Patton was the actual commander. Most of the available forces were from Third Army, the supplies and reinforcements were all American, and Patton was an American rather than a defeated former foe. Nevertheless, face-saving had to be preserved. Patton was officially named SHAEF Commander in Berlin, and Rommel was Commander of the Army of Berlin, a shadow force. This role gave him the right to be consulted and the right to make suggestions. In a way, he was in the position of the Italian Commando Supremo who had been the titular head of the Afrika Korps. The difference was that while Rommel had little official power, he had the power that came from his knowledge and experience. When he spoke, others listened.
Facing this embattled force, however, were no less than two Red Army fronts—each the equivalent of a Western army group including some three armies in its order of battle. More than a million Soviet soldiers, with nearly three thousand tanks and a similar number of artillery pieces, were poised to commence the attack at a word from Moscow. More Soviet units—two additional fronts in Germany alone—were arrayed to face the major presence of Eisenhower’s army groups. Here too, the Russians possessed clear superiority in tanks, guns, and men.
As every passing day seemed to bring additional reinforcements into the line, Stalin for these months of the siege remained content to allow his advantage to grow. In the meantime, diplomacy and brinksmanship came into play on a grand scale. And the Chairman of the Soviet Union became increasingly frustrated, and puzzled, as President Roosevelt seemed
utterly unwilling to back down—even in the face of such obvious Russian superiority.
There was one area of military might in which the Soviets could not match the Western Allies, however, and that was in the air. The numbers of aircraft available to each side were approximately equal, with a small advantage going to Stalin. Qualitatively, however, the clear advantage fell to the Americans and their allies. The Soviets had no fighter capable of matching the P-51 Mustang in speed, maneuverability, or range; and by now the Mustang was the predominant fighter in the air forces of the Western Allies. The British continued to rely on their legendary, albeit updated, Spitfires, of course, and these, too, were superior to any of the Russian fighters.
There were even a few units of the reconstituted Luftwaffe available for the defense of Berlin. By the beginning of summer there were some one hundred Me-262 jet fighters in service, with more coming on line—including full squadrons turned over to the US Army Air Force and the RAF—as the months progressed. (None of these non-German units, however, had entered combat by July.)
Undoubtedly, it was this superiority in tactical air forces that allowed Eisenhower, with the blessings of Roosevelt and Churchill, to maintain the audacious program of supply and civilian evacuation that became known as the Berlin Airlift.
The first supply runs, escorted by some four fighters for every individual transport aircraft, were made within forty-eight hours of the surrounding of the city. As the Red Air Force allowed these missions to proceed, they were expanded until a veritable bridge of Dakota transports, enhanced by British and American heavy bombers pressed into emergency service, maintained a connection between the city and the democratic powers to the west.
The focal point for the airlift was the great hub of Tempelhof airport, of course, but there were many small fields around the periphery of the city, and none of them was overlooked in the vigorous efforts to resupply. For the first ten days, all efforts were directed toward bringing food and ammunition into the surrounded city. When it became clear that the Soviets would allow the planes to fly with only minimal interference, Patton—at Rommel’s suggestion, it is reported—began to use the return flights to ferry noncombatants out of the city. In this manner, nearly a quarter of a million people were carried westward, out of the danger zone, during those three months of 1945.
It was a strange kind of stasis, unlike anything the world had ever seen before. Each of the great armies massed in central Europe possessed firepower and mobility far exceeding anything ever attained in the history
of military endeavor. They were not active enemies, but the trust of their earlier alliance had been shattered by the Soviet betrayal of Summer 1944.
Indeed, even as matters in Germany were held at a stalemate, Soviet troops were securing their hold in a host of countries, including Norway, Poland, Bulgaria, Greece, Hungary, and Rumania. Governments of Communist sympathizers were established, often with the dubious validation of rigged, single-candidate “elections.” And as Stalin tightened his hold on these formerly independent nations, it followed with perfect logic that he would expect to gain control of Germany—or at least the eastern portion of the country, including Berlin—before much more time could pass.
On this point, and with commendable firmness, both President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill stood adamant. Emboldened, undoubtedly, by the knowledge—or the hope, at least—that the top-secret Manhattan Project was nearing fruition, the American president found the fortitude to stand up to Stalin’s bluster, and for a long time the future of the siege seemed to be very much a matter of conjecture and doubt.

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