Male Sex Work and Society (62 page)

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Tags: #Psychology/Human Sexuality, #Social Science/Gay Studies, #SOC012000, #PSY016000

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Most of the agencies the men described using operate virtually through websites. The advantages and disadvantages of working through an agency rather than individually were mentioned frequently. One disadvantage included having limited control over which clients to accept and when. “The disadvantage is that they are stripped of their rights to choose” (Maxim, age 18, MSW11). Another disadvantage is the percentage of income, typically half, that must be paid to the agency. Advantages include not having to look for clients and some degree of personal protection. One respondent reported being approached to work for an agency but declining (Oleg, age 25, MSW9), while another reported working both with an agency and individually (Dmitry, age 27, MSW8):
The agency has constant orders. There’s a fixed rate, like it or not, a client doesn’t barter with an agency. You go to the website and there are two boys, three to five thousand [rubles] for an hour. Minimum order is two hours. He takes 6,000 from the client, and gives 3,000 over to the agency and keeps 3,000 for himself. (Sergei, age 27, MSW12)
He [a pimp in Moscow] added me on the Internet himself … He found me himself, made an offer, and I agreed to try it … They [clients] call him, and then he either gives me the phone number or tells me where to go. (Anton, age 20, MSW5)
 
Social venues in St. Petersburg were mentioned frequently as places where men sell sex, including gay bars, a cruising club, and saunas. Transactional sex reportedly occurs at several well-known and visible gay bars in St. Petersburg. Multiple respondents could easily name the same clubs, which range from elite gay clubs with entertainment to those known to have a commercial sex purpose: “[Club X] is more for commercial purposes. There is a dark room there and one can simply have sex there. Those who want to have sex” (Nikolai, age 22, MSW7). Although these clubs do not exist primarily for transactional sex and some respondents mentioned that paying for sex in these venues is prohibited, they do facilitate the meeting of sex partners, ranging from romantic relationships to anonymous sex, and include various elements of exchange, including drinks and money:
In clubs, it happens rather disguised, so to speak, no one is standing or sitting there with a sign that says “I’m selling sex services.” But this is a crowd of regulars … They already know everything, and they simply get acquainted with men with whom they think might be interested in their services, make contact with them, chat with them, and in one way or another make it clear that they are not against getting remuneration. They may say, “You know, I don’t have any money right now … could you help me out?” and so forth. (Iosef, NGO3)
 
Saunas also were mentioned as a venue where male sex work may occur. Russia has a long history of saunas, or
banya
, that are used by many people (e.g., families, friends, business partners) to relax, bathe, and improve health, with no sexual context. However, some saunas do provide an environment where sexual activity can occur, including paid sex work. Saunas in St. Petersburg known to be “gay saunas” used exclusively by MSM reportedly provide a space for male sex work. Another venue mentioned was a well-known cruising club that exists primarily so men can meet anonymous sex partners. The saunas and cruising club are more hidden from public view than the gay bars:
There is a sauna. The gay sauna. There is a sauna in [location] with a theme a week … There is [another] sauna, on [different location], the largest sauna. There hangs a large sign that this is a [different type of venue], but when a customer approaches and starts ringing the bell … everything is understood.” (Anton, age 20, MSW5)
 
Men working in a
pleshka
(an outdoor space where men meet for sex, including transactional sex) were described as the most economically vulnerable group—“a very disadvantaged group” (Peter, NGO2) and “cheap boys who work for a piece of bread” (Pavel, age 24, MSW2). They often are homeless and very young, sometimes only 14 or 15. One particular pleshka was mentioned frequently as being a well-known location for male sex work. Because of this reputation, individuals approach each other readily to offer or request sex: “They [clients] already know where and whom to approach” (Pavel, age 24, MSW2). Encounters in these settings are typically with one-time, anonymous clients and described as “short-term sex.” Sex workers may find both local and foreign clients in public places, and some of the men working in these locations are internal migrants themselves, including one respondent working in the well-known pleshka who was Russian but not from St. Petersburg. An NGO worker (Konstantin, NGO5) reported that some of the men working at the railway station, including underage boys, were dependent on heroin:
One must understand that this place [the pleshka] is for the lowest of the low. That is, those who come from other cities, regions, and are waiting for their prince on a white horse, and are sometimes willing to put out for a cup of soup. (Ivan, NGO1)
 
The volume of sex work taking place in these locations is unknown, and several respondents noted that they preferred not to work in pleshkas if other options were available:
There is such a place [a well-known pleshka], but who is there now? Those who have no access to the Internet—the lowest stratum” (Dmitry, age 27, MSW8).
 
Another type of sex work to emerge was described as a “marriage of convenience,” which could not be easily classified by the location where clients were recruited. One male sex worker (Ilya, age 31, MSW3) described a relationship with a “wealthy gay” man who took him on expensive vacations and bought him clothes and shoes: “All I want … literally everything.” This relationship began as a personal acquaintance that evolved into a sex exchange. When the relationship ended, the client provided referrals to other clients: “He suggested friends.” Some participants made brief mention of students, men in the military, and prisoners who were engaged in sex work, but we did not interview anybody who fit these descriptions.
From this qualitative research, it is impossible to estimate what percentages of MSWs engage in these different patterns, and we are not aware of any such estimates published elsewhere. However, it is quite clear from cursory Internet searches that many MSWs engage through this medium. In contrast, our research staff did not observe many men in the pleshkas, but we should note that this work was conducted during the winter months and the situation could be different in the summer.
Social Vulnerabilities
 
Male sex workers identified multiple social vulnerabilities they face, including limited disclosure of their identity and profession, threats to personal safety, lack of risk perception, and lack of appropriate health and social services. Some of these vulnerabilities appear to stem from a lack of cohesion within the MSW community. The men reported often working alone and not personally knowing other male sex workers, even if they were open about their gay identity. MSWs may be stigmatized due to not only their occupation but also their gay identity, and/or same-sex behavior. This manifests in limited disclosure about their work to health-care providers, leading to even deeper feelings of isolation. Low professional cohesiveness may also contribute to a limited awareness of HIV through lack of personal experience. However, the much lower prevalence of HIV among MSM in St. Petersburg than in injection drug users, estimated in one study to be 7 percent and 45 percent, respectively (Niccolai et al., 2009), may signal that HIV is not yet a salient issue for this group.
Some male sex workers have a gay identity and therefore are members of “one of the most closed groups of Russian society” (Iosef, NGO3), making male sex work a difficult topic for some to discuss. Some men reported revealing their gay identity to family or friends but not their involvement in sex work, and they discussed their work to varying degrees with their peers. Some reported knowing others involved in sex work; some reported knowing few or none:
I know one [other male sex worker]. But as a rule, we are all trying to work alone, not make friends. (Pavel, age 24, MSW2) I do not have any acquaintances whatsoever who work for money. I do not ever mention this to anyone. This is something that lives in me and this will never be anyone else’s business. (Sasha, age 22, MSW10)
 
Disclosure of sexual identity and involvement in sex work to healthcare providers was very limited among the participants. Many anticipated or reported negative attitudes from health-care professionals. As one explained, “After she drew my blood, she washed her hands in such a way that it really made me feel like something that is laying around the toilet … I openly said I was gay. Lord, it was such homophobia” (Mikhail, NGO4). Another described his experience:
Once I went to a private clinic and a young, well-groomed guy was before me in line. And the doctor simply kicked him out. And that was a private clinic. I can’t know for sure what happened there, but I try to hide it all. Because everyone has their own prejudices. I do not tell them [I am gay]. (Ilya, age 31, MSW3)
 
In terms of their interactions with clients, respondents were generally aware of the threat to personal safety. The concerns they raised were mostly related to robbery, violence, and group theft by clients. Respondents reported having personal experiences with violence and being aware of this happening to other male sex workers. Though some reported that increased protection was an advantage of working for an agency rather than alone, others questioned the extent to which this was true:
I have one friend who was robbed. He met a boy at a gay club, got drunk, and brought the boy to his place. The boy gave him some kind of pills that put him to sleep, and the boy took 1,000 rubles from him. A credit card with the PIN code was also in the bag. (Nikolai, age 22, MSW7)
If you are working alone, then they might throw you in the car, f**k you as hard as they can, and toss you out on the sidewalk. And then the guy has to get home any way he can, especially, if he doesn’t have any money at all, and he just came to earn some. These kinds of things also happened. (Anatoly, age 21, MSW1)
 
Men used a variety of strategies to minimize risk, including refusing clients based on character judgments or previous communications on the Internet, meeting clients in apartments or hotels instead of cars, collecting payment prior to sex, working in the daytime, minimizing alcohol use, and bringing friends along for protection:
There were some unpleasant situations. But, when I invite the person to my place, I at least know that one person will come. But when you go there, there may be a group of five. And you will leave, even without any money. Just to get out alive. (Sasha, age 22, MSW10)
 
Being at risk for HIV was reported almost universally among the MSWs, but in an abstract way: “The risk is always there” (Dmitry, age 27, MSW8). One professional reported that HIV is a “distant threat” for many male sex workers, and MSWs reported having become aware of HIV from sources such as
Santa Barbara
(a soap opera) and the death of rock star Freddie Mercury. Many respondents acknowledged their risk for HIV, saying often that condoms are not 100 percent effective at preventing transmission, yet there was only limited discussion of specific personal risk behaviors. Furthermore, only a small number of the men reported knowing anybody who was HIV positive:
Of course there is [risk for me to get HIV]. Even condom manufacturers do not provide a 100 percent guarantee that during sex the condom will not burst, slip, or break. (Anton, age 20, MSW5)
Certainly [there is personal risk for HIV infection], but up until now … “touch wood.” (Ilya, age 31, MSW3)
 
All the men reported using condoms (“In theory, yes” [Ilya, age 31, MSW3]), but rarely during all sexual encounters. Situations where condoms were not used included doing it for extra payment, during oral sex, on impulse, with known clients, or having sex with female partners: (Interviewer: And if they offer a lot of money for sex without a condom?)
To be honest, this was the case several times. (Anton, age 20, MSW5)
Well, there was one such case, that we had sex without a condom. But this was not my first time with this person and we had a good relationship. I already understood that he was not sick with anything. So we tried it without a condom. But I always use a condom with those guys that I do not know. (Nikolai, age 22, MSW7)
I have had sex without a condom. There was so much passion, and such a crazy attraction, I understood that it was necessary to put on a condom, but nevertheless just thought “oh well” … Usually I have condoms with me, or the person has them. And if it turns out that we don’t, then we go to the store. They are available. But unfortunately, there are times when you disappoint yourself and it is too late. (Sergei, age 27, MSW12)
 
Drinking alcohol was mentioned frequently (“Alcohol is everywhere” [Pavel, age 24, MSW2]) and was often associated with the club environment, and with clients who also were drinking. Moderate alcohol use appeared to be the more typical pattern (“Not to get wasted, of course” [Dmitry, age 27, MSW8]). Men typically said they used alcohol to help relax and make conversation but limited their consumption to protect their personal safety and do their work. It is difficult to say from these data if this pattern is substantially different from the club scene where noncommercial sexual encounters take place:

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