Victor displays a strong commitment to condom use. For example, on the cover of the movie DVD, Victor is in a toilet stall holding a condom in his hand (see
figure 15.1
). In another scene he uses a condom when he provides sexual services to the police officer who protects him. When the police officer asks him whether he is “taking care” of himself, Victor pulls condoms out of his pocket to show that he is. Victor also indicates that he would never provide unsafe sexual services after talking about his friend, another MSW who had contracted HIV as a result of providing unprotected sexual services in exchange for more money. Clearly, this film portrays a message that “good” MSWs are “safe” MSWs—safe equated with condom use.
More recently, an independent Cuban movie called
Chamaco
explored the issue of MSWs in Cuba (see
figure 15.2
). The director, Juan Carlos Cremata, emphasized that the movie, staged in nocturnal Havana, explores the gay underground universe of MSWs, corruption, the consequences of homophobia, and the economic crisis in Cuba.
Cremata portrays MSWs as young men (including adolescents) who are struggling to adapt to new environments, in financial trouble, and experiencing difficulties in their relationships; many of them meet tragic ends. This theme is also featured in the 2000 novel-turned-movie
La Virgen de los Sicarios
(
Our Lady of the Assassins
), by Colombian writer Fernando Vallejo, which has urban violence as the central theme. It also suggests that homosexuality and MSWs in Latin America are strongly associated with the criminal underground in large cities. These feature films construct a specific image of MSWs as young vulnerable men exploited by clients, criminals, and society.
MSWs on the Internet
MSWs today increasingly promote their services on the Internet. There are several websites devoted to MSWs, some in a specific city, others to a particular country, while others attract a worldwide audience. The websites where MSWs advertise usually include a wide range of information and pictures for potential clients to peruse. For example, MSWs often provide information about their age, skin color, eye color, hair color, sexual orientation, sexual services provided, contact details (e.g., city, telephone, email), and pictures or videos of themselves. Information about penis size is also frequently mentioned.
FIGURE 15.3
The website
www.soytuyo.com
is designed for male sex worker/client networking.
Copyright © Soy Tuyo, 2013
An analysis of two of these websites was undertaken to understand MSWs’ Internet advertising in Latin America. The first was
revistaratones.com
. A total of 92 escorts promoted their sexual services on this site at the time of the survey. More than half (51 percent) indicated that they were between age 20 and 24, and 35 percent were between 25 and 30. Few said that they were over 30 (8 percent) or under 20 (4 percent). The vast majority described themselves as “top only” (64 percent), 29 percent said they were versatile, and 7 percent were “bottoms.” It was interesting to note that about 34 percent of the escorts made comments about their penis; MSWs who said they were top only also were more likely (91 percent) to make comments about their penis size.
The majority of MSWs (56 percent) indicated that they provide services to males, females, and couples. About 15 percent stated that they offered sexual services exclusively to male clients, and 15 percent only to men and couples. Only 1 percent stated that they offered services to ladies only, and 13 percent did not specify. Interestingly, tops were more likely (75 percent) to indicate that they offered sexual services to males, female, and couples than the versatile escorts (25 percent).
A similar picture emerges from an analysis of the website
Soytuyo.com
, which included a profile of 151 escorts (see
figure 15.3
). The majority of the MSWs identified themselves as tops (57 percent), 28 percent indicated that they were versatile, and the remainder did not state their sexual position. The majority of the escorts (64 percent) indicated that they offer their sexual services to men, women, and couples, with 15 percent providing services exclusively to men and 10 percent to men and couples. Again, tops were more likely to indicate that they offered their services to men, women, and couples, and to make comments about their penis. It is worth noting that it was not unusual for some escorts to post a statement that they were unavailable because they were traveling overseas, which suggests a growing trend toward sexual tourism. Many were traveling to other countries in Latin America and Europe, particularly Spain and England, and a few to Australia and the United States. Overseas websites such as
Rentboy.com
or
Rentboyaustralia.com.au
frequently mention the ethnicity of the escorts, and Latino escorts are appearing in larger numbers.
Chat forums, where clients talk about their experiences with escorts, are also a useful source of information. These forums are public and require individuals to register in order to post messages. One such forum is Foro Escorts (Escorts Forum). Analysis of the clients’ message content reveals that clients often ask for more information about MSWs who advertise on various websites, and then report their experience with the MSWs—be it good or bad. When an experience with a specific MSW is reported, it usually describes what took place during the encounter and the sexual acts performed. Some rate their encounters on the following criteria: MSW’s attitude, physical attractiveness, punctuality, personal neatness, and the escort’s degree of sexual involvement during the encounter, including what he was or was not prepared to do. Penis size is often detailed here, including an escort’s ability to maintain an erection. Clients often specified whether the MSW used condoms for oral sex but not for anal sex; whether or not he kisses; and whether or not he offers passive anal services. Of particular interest was a much used “tips” guide for clients that was written by a forum participant.
Table 15.1
provides an abridged version of the tips.
Snapshot of Male Sex Workers: Some Research Findings
As mentioned above, drawing conclusions about MSWs from research among other populations does not represent or do justice to the particular sociocultural context in which MSWs in Latin America live and work. The following section provides a snapshot of a Latin American cohort of MSWs who took part in a study conducted by Disogra, Minichiello, and Mariño of 145 MSWs from Argentina. These results are compared to the characteristics, behaviors, and attitudes of MSWs in other Latin American countries.
The Argentinean Study
The data for this study were collected in two cities in Argentina, where sex work is legal, at three different times: Cordoba (2001-2002 and 2005-2007) and Buenos Aires (2007-2008). In order to gather information from Argentinean MSWs about their characteristics, behaviors, attitudes, and use of health services, the researchers used an adapted and translated (into Argentine Spanish) version of the Survey to Sex Workers and the Interaction Diary for Sex Work (see Mariño, Minichiello, & Browne, 1999, for a detailed description of the survey methodology). Participants were asked to fill in the Survey to Sex Workers once at the beginning of the study and were given the Interaction Diary twice during the study period. Of the 311 MSWs from both cities who were invited to be a part of the study, 145 agreed to participate, 71 from Cordoba and 74 from Buenos Aires.
Participant Characteristics
The 145 participants ranged from 16 to 43 years of age and had been working in the sex industry from six months to more than 10 years. In terms of education, 34.5 percent had finished high school, 28.9 percent had not finished high school, 19.7 percent had a university education, 9.9 percent had some primary school education, and 7.0 percent had some technical or professional training. Compared to previous studies in Latin America (see Cortez et al., 2011; Grandi et al., 2000; Infante et al., 2009), this sample of MSWs had reported more formal education above elementary school, and more had completed a secondary and tertiary education, as well as technical and professional training.
The majority of MSWs chose to work in the sex industry mainly for the money (48.9 percent) or for lack of other job opportunities (24.8 percent); 56.4 percent indicated that sex work was their only source of income. Consistent with Latin American MSWs with higher education and those who do not work on the street (Mariño et al., 2003), the majority (52.8 percent) of this Argentine sample indicated that their income from sex work was “enough to get ahead.” Some said they were able to accumulate savings (22.9 percent), and 6.9 percent did not have money problems. Only 11.1 percent said their income did not cover their minimal expenses.
TABLE 15.1
Tips Provided by a Client to Those Contracting Male Sex Workers (Abridged)
Source:
MAHONY69, 2011
Sexual Identity and Preference
In terms of sexual orientation, 42.1 percent of the sample said they were gay, 28.6 percent said they were heterosexual, and 27.8 percent said they were bisexual. In addition, 31.9 percent had a steady female partner, 24.1 percent had male partners, and 2.1 percent had a transgender partner. Although the majority of the MSWs indicated that they were gay or bisexual, when asked, “How do you feel when you have sexual relations with men?” 51.5 percent responded that they felt “well” or “very well,” 33.3 percent were neutral, and 15.2 percent felt “bad” or “very bad.” This inconsistency between reported sexual orientation and feelings about sexual activity with men may support the notion that the services MSWs provide to other men are not necessarily related to how they describe their sexual identity (see Parker, 1999; Phua, 2010; Schifter, 1998, 1999; Tun et al., 2008). This finding may also be seen in
table 15.2
, which summarizes the services MSWs provide.
As stated earlier, a man’s masculinity in Latin American culture is defined by his position in society and during sexual activities. As such, being the top during anal intercourse (which 99.3 percent of the MSWs in the survey were willing to do) does not undermine masculinity. In this respect, gay or bisexual MSWs who provide this service may secure the benefits of patriarchal constructions of power active in Latin American cultures. Interestingly, only 59.1 percent of MSW respondents said they would be the bottom during protected anal intercourse, whereas 69.9 percent of those who identified as gay or bisexual said they would, which suggests that almost all the MSW respondents identifying as gay or bisexual are willing to be the passive sexual partner, as they did not confuse this act with their social, gender, or sexual roles. Gay or bisexual MSW respondents who are not willing to be passive sexual partners may refuse to do so precisely because it reduces their sense of masculinity and/or how their masculinity is perceived by others. Considering that the majority of the sample chose sex work for the money or a lack of other opportunities, some MSWs within this sample may be “gay for pay” (see Mitchell, 2010). Thus, Argentinian MSWs’ level of comfort with providing sexual services to men may have more to do with the financial rewards than with sexual identity.