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Our discussion has shed some light on the landscape of the male sex worker sector in Ireland. However, it is probably more accurate to consider the landscape of male commercial sex in terms of vertical and horizontal demarcations: vertical in terms of the relative social position of the sex worker, the amount of capital they can draw on (looks, body image, hygiene, and whether they can provide a “boyfriend experience”); and horizontal in terms of the location where sex is transacted (the Internet, bars/saunas, cruising areas, and the street). At the higher end are the professional escorts who advertise on websites such as
Escort-Ireland.com
, who very often tailor their product—the range of services offered and the kind of look—to client needs. As such, they often can command higher prices for their services and retain a following of clients with whom they meet on a regular basis.
Conversely, at the lower end of the spectrum there is an ongoing street-based commercial sex scene involving male sellers in the larger cities, such as Dublin and Belfast. While we should be careful about homogenizing the experiences of those involved in the street sector, as with any other facet of sexual commerce (see Weitzer, 2011a), many young men who sell sex on the street command little capital, do not particularly enjoy what they do (Hall, 2007; McCabe, 2005), and earn relatively little money per transaction (The Cyrenians, 2013). They also are disproportionately likely to experience violence and abuse at the hand of clients, attract the attention of the police, and partake in particularly risky sexual practices (McCabe, 2005). This situation resonates with experiences among street-based female sex workers, who are likely to experience more frequent and more severe victimization (Weitzer, 2010, p. 10). While the male street-based sector is small, it is nevertheless disproportionately overrepresented by men from disadvantaged backgrounds who may experience many personal and social problems, including drug addiction, dysfunctional family circumstances, and a history of institutional care.
In between these extremes, however, there appears to be another category of local sex worker who sells sex sporadically and more anonymously. These sex workers also use the Internet but they rarely maintain an online profile for more than a few days at a time. For these young men, whose website profiles suggest that they are mainly between 18 and 25, selling sex is transient and they drift in and out of it as the need arises. Such online profiles are generally textual only and convey only basic information, such as age, appearance, location, sexuality, and services provided. In the rare cases where a photograph is displayed, it is often a rather blurred body shot and usually minus the face, which is in contrast to the high-definition photographic images used by MSWs on
Escort-Ireland.com
. This suggests that anonymity continues to be a key factor in determining the ways that locally based male sex workers negotiate business. While there is some evidence that sexual experimentation and a desire for sexual adventure is an important factor in young men becoming involved in commercial sex (Weitzer, 2011a), the dire economic situation in both parts of Ireland has undoubtedly led some young men to turn to sexual commerce to supplement their incomes. A cursory analysis of website profiles suggests that many list their occupation as “student,” and they are diverse in terms of their professed sexual orientation, with “bicurious,” bisexual, and straight featuring much more commonly than a homosexual or gay identity. However, it is difficult to generalize about the ways local male sex workers use the Internet to transact business, since this has not been subject to any systematic research in either NI or the ROI. What is clear from our analysis, however, is that they do this in markedly different ways from MSWs who see sex work as part of their professional persona.
To better inform policy debates in both parts of Ireland, the phenomenon of male sex workers and their involvement in the provision of sexual services needs urgent consideration. There currently are no official mechanisms for assessing the needs of MSWs in either part of Ireland, which is particularly problematic, given the persistence of a street-based male commercial scene in the large cities. While this sector is small, it is nevertheless populated by young men who are particularly vulnerable and who experience many problems in their lives. Moreover, in the ROI there is some (albeit limited) evidence that young immigrant males are pushed into selling sex out of economic necessity, which only compounds whatever problems they had to start off with because of their migrant status. Urgently needed in both jurisdictions on the island of Ireland is a joint system of care and service provision modeled, for example, on that in Manchester, England. Manchester City Council’s Prostitution Strategy focuses on the issues and needs of street-based MSWs who are perceived to be at risk and vulnerable. The strategy is the result of an approach agreed to by the city council, the Greater Manchester Police, social services, sexual health workers, and sex worker rights activist groups. Their emphasis is on harm reduction, rather than on enforcement per se. However, the gendered nature of sex work policy debates occurring in both parts of Ireland means that development of any such system is unlikely to happen in the foreseeable future.
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