Man and Superman and Three Other Plays (44 page)

SWINDON Indeed. Then you are just in time to take your place on the gallows. Arrest him.

ANDERSON
[thrusting a paper under SWINDON's nose]
There's my safe-conduct, sir.

SWINDON
[taken aback]
Safe-conduct! Are you—!

ANDERSON
[emphatically]
I am.
[The two soldiers take him by the elbows].
Tell these men to take their hands off me.

SWINDON
[to the men]
Let him go.

SERGEANT Fall back.

ANDERSON
[exhaling a deep breath of relief, and dabbing his perspiring brow with his handkerchief
] Thank God, I was in time!

BURGOYNE
[calm as ever, and still watch in hand]
Ample time, sir. Plenty of time. I should never dream of hanging any gentleman by an American clock.
[He puts up his watch].

ANDERSON Yes: we are some minutes ahead of you already, General. Now tell them to take the rope from the neck of that American citizen.

BURGOYNE
[to the executioner in the cart
—
very politely]
Kindly undo Mr.
Dudgeon.

JUDITH
[stealing timidly to ANDERSON
] Tony.

ANDERSON
[putting his arm round her shoulders and bantering her affectionately
] Well, what do you think of your husband now, eh?—eh??—eh???

JUDITH I am ashamed—[
she hides her face against his breast.
]

BURGOYNE
[to SWINDON]
You look disappointed, Major Swindon.

SWINDON You look defeated, General Burgoyne.

BURGOYNE I am, sir; and I am humane enough to be glad of it.
[RICHARD jumps down from the cart, BRUDENELL offering his hand to help him, and runs to ANDERSON, whose left hand he shakes heartily, the right being occupied by JUDITHJ.
By the way, Mr. Anderson, I do not quite understand. The safe-conduct was for a commander of the militia. I understand you are a—[
He looks as pointedly as his good manners permit at the riding boots, the pistols, and RICHARD's coat, and adds
]—a clergyman.

ANDERSON
[between JUDITH and RICHARD]
Sir: it is in the hour of trial that a man finds his true profession. This foolish young man
[placing his hand on RICHARD's shoulder]
boasted himself the Devil's Disciple; but when the hour of trial came to him, he found that it was his destiny to suffer and be faithful to the death. I thought myself a decent minister of the gospel of peace; but when the hour of trial came to me, I found that it was my destiny to be a man of action and that my place was amid the thunder of the captains and the shouting. So I am starting life at fifty as Captain Anthony Anderson of the Springtown militia; and the Devil's Disciple here will start presently as the Reverend Richard Dudgeon, and wag his pow
^ca
in my old pulpit, and give good advice to this silly sentimental little wife of mine
[putting his other hand on her shoulder. She steals a glance at RICHARD to see how the prospect pleases him].
Your mother told me, Richard, that I should never have chosen Judith if I'd been born for the ministry. I am afraid she was right; so, by your leave, you may keep my coat and I'll keep yours.

RICHARD Minister—I should say Captain. I have behaved like a fool.

JUDITH Like a hero.

RICHARD Much the same thing, perhaps.
[With some bitterness towards himself]
But no: if I had been any good, I should have done for you what you did for me, instead of making a vain sacrifice.

ANDERSON Not vain, my boy. It takes all sorts to make a world—saints as well as soldiers.
[Turning to BURGOYNE]
And now, General, time presses; and America is in a hurry. Have you realized that though you may occupy towns and win battles, you cannot conquer a nation?

BURGOYNE My good sir, without a Conquest you cannot have an aristocracy. Come and settle the matter at my quarters.

ANDERSON At your service, sir.
[To RICHARD]
See Judith home for me, will you, my boy.
[He hands her over to him].
Now General.
[He goes busily up the marketplace towards the Town Hall, leaving JUDITH and RICHARD together. BURGOYNE follows him a step or two; then checks himself and turns to
RICHARD].

BURGOYNE Oh, by the way, Mr. Dudgeon, I shall be glad to see you at lunch at half-past one.
[He pauses a moment, and adds, with politely veiled slyness]
Bring Mrs. Anderson, if she will be so good.
[To SWINDON,
who
is fuming]
Take it quietly, Major Swindon: your friend the British soldier can stand up to anything except the British War Office.
(He follows ANDERSON].

SERGEANT
[to SWINDON]
What orders, sir?

SWINDON
(savagely]
Orders! What use are orders now? There's no army. Back to quarters; and be d—
[He turns on his heel and goes] .

SERGEANT
[pugnacious and patriotic, repudiating the idea of defeat]
‘Tention. Now then: cock up your chins, and shew em you dont care a damn for em. Slope arms! Fours! Wheel! Quick march!
The drum marks time with a tremendous bang; the band strikes up British Grenadiers; and the sergeant, BRUDENELL, and the English troops march off defiantly to their quarters. The townsfolk press in behind, and follow them up the market, jeering at them; and the town band, a very primitive affair, brings up the rear, playing Yankee Doodle. ESSIE, who comes in with them, runs to RICHARD.

RICHARD
(good-humoredly,
but
wilfully]
Now, now: come, come! I dont mind being hanged; but I will not be cried over.

ESSIE No, I promise. I'll be good.
[She tries to restrain her tears, but cannot].
I—I want to see where the soldiers are going to.
[She goes a little way up the market, pretending to look after the crowd].

JUDITH Promise me you will never tell him.

RICHARD Dont be afraid.

ESSIE
(calling to them]
Theyre coming back. They want you.

SHAW'S NOTES TO THE DEVIL'S DISCIPLE

General John Burgoyne, who is presented in this play for the first time (as far as I am aware) on the English stage, is not a conventional stage soldier, but as faithful a portrait as it is in the nature of stage portraits to be. His objection to profane swearing is not borrowed from Mr. Gilbert's H.M.S. Pinafore: it is taken from the Code of Instructions drawn up by himself for his officers when he introduced Light Horse into the English army. His opinion that English soldiers should be treated as thinking beings was no doubt as unwelcome to the military authorities of his time, when nothing was thought of ordering a soldier a thousand lashes, as it will be to those modern victims of the flagellation neurosis who are so anxious to revive that discredited sport. His military reports are very clever as criticisms, and are humane and enlightened within certain aristocratic limits, best illustrated perhaps by his declaration, which now sounds so curious, that he should blush to ask for promotion on any other ground than that of family influence. As a parliamentary candidate, Burgoyne took our common expression “fighting an election” so very literally that he led his supporters to the poll at Preston in 1768 with a loaded pistol in each hand, and won the seat, though he was fined £I, 000, and denounced by Junius, for the pistols.

It is only within quite recent years that any general recognition has become possible for the feeling that led Burgoyne, a professed enemy of oppression in India and elsewhere, to accept his American command when so many other officers threw up their commissions rather than serve in a civil war against the Colonies. His biographer De Fonblanque, writing in 1876, evidently regarded his position as indefensible. Nowadays, it is sufficient to say that Burgoyne was an Imperialist. He sympathized with the colonists; but when they proposed as a remedy the disruption of the Empire, he regarded that as a step backward in civilization. As he put it to the House of Commons, “while we remember that we are contending against brothers and fellow subjects, we must also remember that we are contending in this crisis for the fate of the British Empire.” Eighty-four years after his defeat, his republican conquerors themselves engaged in a civil war for the integrity of their Union. In 1885 *the Whigs who represented the anti-Burgoyne tradition of American Independence in English politics, abandoned Gladstone and made common cause with their political opponents in defence of the Union between England and Ireland. Only the other day England sent 200,000 men into the field south of the equator to fight out the question whether South Africa should develop as a Federation of British Colonies or as an independent Afrikander United States. In all these cases the Unionists who were detached from their parties were called renegades, as Burgoyne was. That, of course, is only one of the unfortunate consequences of the fact that mankind, being for the most part incapable of politics, accepts vituperation as an easy and congenial substitute. Whether Burgoyne or Washington, Lincoln or Davis, Gladstone or Bright, Mr. Chamberlain or Mr. Leonard Courtney was in the right will never be settled, because it will never be possible to prove that the government of the victor has been better for mankind than the government of the vanquished would have been. It is true that the victors have no doubt on the point; but to the dramatist, that certainty of theirs is only part of the human comedy. The American Unionist is often a Separatist as to Ireland; the English Unionist often sympathizes with the Polish Home Ruler; and both English and American Unionists are apt to be Disruptionists as regards that Imperial Ancient of Days, the Empire of China. Both are Unionists concerning Canada, but with a difference as to the precise application to it of the Monroe doctrine. As for me, the dramatist, I smile, and lead the conversation back to Burgoyne.

Burgoyne's surrender at Saratoga made him that occasionally necessary part of our British system, a scapegoat. The explanation of his defeat given in the play (p. 2 82) is founded on a passage quoted by De Fonblanque from Fitzmaurice's Life of Lord Shelburne, as follows: “Lord George Germain, having among other peculiarities a particular dislike to be put out of his way on any occasion, had arranged to call at his office on his way to the country to sign the dispatches; but as those addressed to Howe had not been fair-copied, and he was not disposed to be balked of his projected visit to Kent, they were not signed then and were forgotten on his return home.” These were the dispatches instructing Sir William Howe, who was in New York, to effect a junction at Albany with Burgoyne, who had marched from Boston for that purpose. Burgoyne got as far as Saratoga, where, failing the expected reinforcement, he was hopelessly outnumbered, and his officers picked off, Boer fashion, by the American farmer-sharpshooters. His own collar was pierced by a bullet. The publicity of his defeat, however, was more than compensated at home by the fact that Lord George's trip to Kent had not been interfered with, and that nobody knew about the oversight of the dispatch. The policy of the English Government and Court for the next two years was simply concealment of Germain's neglect. Burgoyne's demand for an inquiry was defeated in the House of Commons by the court party; and when he at last obtained a committee, the king got rid of it by a prorogation. When Burgoyne realized what had happened about the instructions to Howe (the scene in which I have represented him as learning it before Saratoga is not historical : the truth did not dawn on him until many months afterwards) the king actually took advantage of his being a prisoner of war in England on parole, and ordered him to return to America into captivity. Burgoyne immediately resigned all his appointments; and this practically closed his military career, though he was afterwards made Commander of the Forces in Ireland for the purpose of banishing him from parliament.

The episode illustrates the curious perversion of the English sense of honor when the privileges and prestige of the aristocracy are at stake. Mr. Frank Harris said, after the disastrous battle of Modder River, that the English, having lost America a century ago because they preferred George III, were quite prepared to lose South Africa to-day because they preferred aristocratic commanders to successful ones. Horace Walpole, when the parliamentary recess came at a critical period of the War of Independence, said that the Lords could not be expected to lose their pheasant shooting for the sake of America. In the working class, which, like all classes, has its own official aristocracy, there is the same reluctance to discredit an institution or to “do a man out of his job.” At bottom, of course, this apparently shameless sacrifice of great public interests to petty personal ones, is simply the preference of the ordinary man for the things he can feel and understand to the things that are beyond his capacity. It is stupidity, not dishonesty.

Burgoyne fell a victim to this stupidity in two ways. Not only was he thrown over, in spite of his high character and distinguished services, to screen a court favorite who had actually been cashiered for cowardice and misconduct in the field fifteen years before; but his peculiar critical temperament and talent, artistic, satirical, rather histrionic, and his fastidious delicacy of sentiment, his fine spirit and humanity, were just the qualities to make him disliked by stupid people because of their dread of ironic criticism. Long after his death, Thackeray, who had an intense sense of human character, but was typically stupid in valuing and interpreting it, instinctively sneered at him and exulted in his defeat. That sneer represents the common English attitude towards the Burgoyne type. Every instance in which the critical genius is defeated, and the stupid genius (for both temperaments have their genius) “muddles through all right,” is popular in England. But Burgoyne's failure was not the work of his own temperament, but of the stupid temperament. What man could do under the circumstances he did, and did handsomely and loftily. He fell, and his ideal empire was dismembered, not through his own misconduct, but because Sir George Germain overestimated the importance of his Kentish holiday, and underestimated the difficulty of conquering those remote and inferior creatures, the colonists. And King George and the rest of the nation agreed, on the whole, with Germain. It is a significant point that in America, where Burgoyne was an enemy and an invader, he was admired and praised. The climate there is no doubt more favorable to intellectual vivacity.