Marcus Agrippa: Right-hand Man of Caesar Augustus (10 page)

Securing his inheritance would not be easy. With the will in his possession Antonius was also fully aware of the contents and its implications for himself as
well as for Octavius. He had already read it. Before Octavius could be adopted into the
gens Iulia
, however, there was a formal state procedure which involved approving the change by a vote of the citizenry in the
comitia centuriata
witnessed by the praetors.
⁴¹
The consuls were responsible for calling the voting centuries to assemble, and it was also within their right to delay the date for the meeting – which is exactly what Antonius did. He was intent on consolidating his own lofty position in the state. Believing that the popular support borne of sympathy for his younger adversary would ebb away given enough time, he would make his rival wait several months before convening the
comitia
and initiating the adoption process, while appearing to do everything he could to expedite it.
⁴²

M. Antonius was effectively sole head of state with eight months still left of his term of office. The Roman constitution required two consuls to be in office in peacetime, but its other consul Iulius Caesar was dead. To fill the vacant curule chair, Antonius approached P. Cornelius Dolabella – a profligate opportunist who had switched sides to join Iulius Caesar during the Civil War and who believed he had been promised the high office.
⁴³
Antonius had secured the public treasury (
aerarium
), which Caesar had stored in the Temple of Opis and, backed with this cash hoard, won over Dolabella, appointing him as suffect consul. Antonius indulged in other self-serving acts. Iulius Caesar had bequeathed his gardens to the Roman people, but Antonius had the collection of artworks, which adorned them, secreted away to private venues.
⁴⁴
He also took over a magnificent house, which had formerly belonged to Pompeius Magnus for his own use and hosted drunken parties for fair-weather friends and low-lifes there.
⁴⁵
What particularly incensed the Roman people was the way he abused the property: it was universally viewed as a travesty of the old man’s memory as a sober, modest and successful military commander, and which stood in contrast to the present consul’s tarnished reputation.
⁴⁶

Feeling his position to be secure, Antonius departed Rome on 18 April for Campania to arrange for the allocation of land grants the veterans of Caesar’s legions had been promised.
⁴⁷
It was a grave error of judgment. Octavius and his loyal friends decided the time was right to depart for Rome. Crowds of well wishers followed the young men on their journey to Rome. News of his imminent arrival in the city raced ahead of him. The historian Velleius Paterculus records the legend of their arrival in late April 44 BCE:

Retired veterans who had served with Iulius Caesar turned out to greet the inheritor of his name.
⁴⁹
On reaching the city, Octavius gave a speech in the
Forum Romanum
in which he promised to distribute the largesse bequeathed them in Iulius Caesar’s will. His immediate challenge was to get hold of the cash Caesar had deposited in the Temple of Opis – a sum of 700,000,000
sestertii
according to Cicero.
⁵⁰
He now learned that Antonius had taken charge of it.
Octavius immediately went to Campania, probably in the company of Agrippa. The consul saw his rival as a naïve boy and set out to belittle him. Being told that he had a guest, Antonius made him wait in the vestibule for a long while before meeting him.
⁵¹
When the two men finally met face-to-face Octavius politely asked for his share of his inheritance. Antonius exploded in a rage. He insulted his visitor by telling him he was too young, and that his shoulders were not broad enough to assume the heavy mantle of Iulius Caesar’s inheritance. He should leave the task to him, he said, as the older and stronger man. But Antonius – as so many others would do – had misjudged the young man; he would, instead, have benefited from reflecting on the reasons why the great
dictator
had chosen
him
to be his successor.

Antonius convened a new session of the Senate for 1 June. Cicero was no friend of Antonius.
⁵²
He felt compelled to go but his friends tried to persuade him to stay away from the city. The patriot set off at the end of May.
⁵³
Meantime, Octavius appeared before the new
praetor urbanus
, C. Antonius, and formally accepted the terms of Iulius Caesar’s testament (from this point on we will refer to Octavius as Caesar and his deceased adoptive father Iulius Caesar).
⁵⁴
His inheritance also came with a household (
familia
) of slaves and freedmen, many of whom Appian notes were wealthy.
⁵⁵
Young Caesar still needed to raise the cash for the donatives promised to the people in Iulius Caesar’s will. To that end he approached Pedius and Pinarius – his uncles Lucius and Quintus respectively – and they agreed for their nephew to sell their shares in the late
dictator
’s estate. Caesar paid for games in honour of Venus the Ancestress (
ludi Veneris Genetricis
) from whom Caesar, as a member of
gens Iulia
, claimed descent.
⁵⁶
During the spectacle, which ran 20–30 July, Octavius planned to have the gilded chair the
dictator
was authorized to use. Antonius promptly vetoed the move, and immediately found himself at loggerheads with Iulius Caesar’s veterans who saw it as an insult to the man’s name and honour. During the last few days of the games, a comet (
sidus
) was seen in the sky.
⁵⁷
It was interpreted by the people as a sign that Iulius Caesar’s spirit had ascended to heaven.
⁵⁸
The month was renamed in honour of the great
dictator
– July.
⁵⁹
‘For these reasons,’ writes Dio, ‘the soldiers also, particularly since some of them received largesses of money, readily took the side of Caesar’.
⁶⁰

Iulius Caesar had been a polarizing figure in life, and remained so in death. To some he was a folk hero, a brilliant commander who had won wars against foreign foes, a charismatic leader who had distributed the spoils of war to the people, a challenger against the entrenched interests of the patricians. To others he was a ruthless tyrant, a dangerous criminal who had committed treason when he crossed the Rubicon, a crooked politician who had twisted the system in pursuit of absolute power. Reconciling these awkward dichotomies would be difficult for his young heir. His legacy was both a blessing and a curse. How he managed the connection with his deceased adoptive father, from whom he derived authority, would be key to successfully establishing himself as his own man.
⁶¹
The appearance of the comet provided just the opportunity he needed. Revealing his growing awareness in the value of propaganda, in another tactically brilliant
move Caesar had a statue of his great uncle cast. Above the head he placed a star, which came to be called the
Iulium sidus
– the ‘Julian star’ – and erected it inside the Temple of Venus Genetrix.
⁶²
With Iulius Caesar safely elevated to the heavens, his heir could deepen his terrestrial roots. He minted coins which showed Iulius Caesar’s divinity, while showing himself as a mere mortal man.
⁶³
In another example, the words and symbols contrast the autocratic power of the
dictator
with the limited power of one of the three magistrates dedicated to reestablishing the constitution.
⁶⁴
The more subtle message could also be read as Iulius Caesar’s power was framed in illegality, whereas the new was legally sound. To what extent Agrippa was involved in creating the messaging and imagery is unclear, but it is highly unlikely the coins were minted without the blessing of the triumvirs and their advisors.

Scheming to keep them away from Rome, Antonius also contrived to give commissions to Brutus and Cassius to procure grain for the public dole. Antonius had proposed that Brutus should take up the new posting in Crete, which he had declined, and he continued on his way to Italy. Cicero followed shortly after him and on 31 August arrived back in Rome. Crowds of well-wishers turned out in strength to greet and accompany him into the city.
⁶⁵
The elder statesman was the only leading man of the Senate who had survived the last civil war, and for many in these uncertain times he was a figure of continuity; but Cicero could not replace Iulius Caesar. When Antonius convened the Senate the following day, Cicero again declined to attend, fearing there might be an attempt on his life; Antonius sent soldiers to his house threatening to burn it down, and only after he was given assurances did he go to the meeting.
⁶⁶
On 1 September Antonius left Rome. The next day Cicero took the floor of the Senate House and, under the watchful gaze of Consul Dolabella, launched into the first of fourteen oratorical tirades against Antonius, speeches which became known as the
Philippics
after the style of the acclaimed statesman Demosthenes of Athens.
⁶⁷

The popularity of Caesar’s heir continued to rise, much to Antonius’ chagrin.
⁶⁸
It was finally the old
dictator
’s veterans who called for Antonius and the young Caesar to reconcile their differences. Reluctant he may have been, but Antonius was not a complete fool and he acceded to shaking hands with the younger man in the Temple of Iupiter on the Capitolinus Hill.
⁶⁹
At a meeting of the Senate on 1 September Antonius proposed a motion for a holiday in Iulius Caesar’s honour.
⁷⁰
His legal heir still had no official standing in the
Res Publica
and he made it known that he wished to be considered as a candidate for one of the popular tribunes.
⁷¹
Antonius overruled the request. A public spat broke out between the men, in which the consul claimed he had been the subject of an assassination attempt when someone – allegedly Octavius – bribed one of his guards. To the allegation Caesar responded that he would be willing to stand watch over Antonius’ bed in person while he slept to ensure his safety. The rumour of an attempt on the consul’s life at the instigation of Caesar raced through the city.
⁷²
As usual he consulted his friends, among whom were Atia, Philippus and Agrippa. His parents urged him to flee for his own safety, but the others insisted he was innocent and, taking their counsel, Caesar decided to remain in Rome. The
following day Antonius’ own advisors recommended he defuse the situation and the matter was dropped. For the moment the two men were reconciled but it was becoming clear that they were not friends or allies, but rivals.
⁷³

Antonius and his wife left for Brundisium where the legions from Macedonia had arrived before transferring to Gallia Cisalpina.
⁷⁴
He intended to secure the army for himself. On meeting him, the soldiers cheered, fully expecting a large bonus from the former deputy of Iulius Caesar.
⁷⁵
Instead Antonius paid them what they considered a paltry 400
sestertii
each and they objected loudly. His response was hardly designed to inspire loyalty. He ordered the centurions step forward and had them butchered to death in front of the troops.
⁷⁶
The shocked soldiers agreed to follow Antonius, but their resentment festered.

Rome had become a dangerous place for the young Caesar, who realized he needed a contingency plan. Again he turned to his friends for advice. Nikolaos lists them as ‘Marcus Agrippa, Lucius Maecenas, Quintus Juventius, Marcus Modialius and Lucius [?]’.
⁷⁷
By this time Agrippa had established himself as a highly regarded and trusted advisor. New to the group was the equestrian C. Cilnius Maecenas (born 29 April 70 BCE), a wealthy man proud of his Etruscan heritage who had connections and, in time, would become known as a generous patron of the arts.
⁷⁸
Caesar now had in his circle of close friends (
amici
) the two great talents who would advise him and support him in his rise to power – and help him to retain it. Additionally, he had assumed a large number of civilian supporters since Iulius Caesar’s death. Romans judged a high status man by his entourage (
clientela
) – the number and calibre of people who assembled at his house each morning for the
salutatio
to pay their respects, followed him as he attended business in the city and voted according to his wishes in elections. But he also needed to gather troops who would fight for him, if necessary, and to that end the group headed to Campania.
⁷⁹
Joining his brain trust on the journey from Rome was heavy muscle. ‘Other officers, centurions, and soldiers followed,’ writes Nikolaos, ‘as well as a multitude of slaves and a pack train carrying the pay-money and the supplies.’
⁸⁰

As they travelled south, the young men stopped to persuade the magistrates and free citizens of
coloniae
and
municipiae
through which they passed with stirring words and donations of 2,000
sestertii
in cash to woo them to his side.
⁸¹
At Capua, Agrippa and Caesar met with retirees (
evocati
) – men who could be recalled to defend the
Res Publica
–of
Legiones
VII and VIII that had settled in the region on land provided by adoptive father.
⁸²
The result of this charm offensive was that 3,000 men rallied to him and followed Caesar and Agrippa on their march to Rome before Antonius returned.
⁸³
The high-spirited return journey to Rome had the effect of drawing yet more recruits to his
signa
.
⁸⁴
Once safely back in the city Caesar gave a rousing speech about his great uncle’s life and achievements, which won him plaudits from the plebs. He also took this opportunity to express opposition to Antonius’ schemes. Meanwhile Antonius himself was approaching
and when he reached Rome he found two of the four legions – the
Martia
and IV – from Macedonia in mutiny.
⁸⁵
Caesar took the initiative and appealed to them to join him.
⁸⁶
Despite Antonius’ exhortations they changed sides, adding both men and elephants to his rival’s growing army.
⁸⁷
Antonius raised a complaint with the Senate at Caesar’s antics and sped off to Ariminium, fearing that other parts of his army from Macedonia would be induced to defect.
⁸⁸