Millenium (50 page)

Finally, after all the many setbacks and frustrations that had previ­ously served to hobble him so grievously, it seemed that the young king was on the verge of securing what he had always regarded as his birthright: the chance to rule as his great father had done. Even as stone-masons and workmen returned to the Harzburg, and the great lords of the
Reich
hurried obediently to celebrate Christmas at the royal table, Henry was looking to set the seal on his victory. Some work still remained to be done, of course. Not everyone who had thought to challenge the royal authority over the years had yet been put sufficiently in his place. Indeed, dukes such as Rudolf and Otto might be overweening, but they were neither of them half so officious, nor half so condescending, as the jumped-up Tuscan monk who sat in the Lateran. To Henry, the son of a Caesar who had forced three papal abdications in the space of a week, the notion that any bishop, even a bishop of Rome, might pose as the leader of Christendom was grotesque and insufferable. He had affected to listen politely to Gregory's fantastical scheme for an expedition to Constantinople, but it was with no little satisfaction that he tracked its ultimate abortion. Gregory himself, far from leading the warriors of Christendom to the Holy Sepulchre, had been left with nothing to show for all his plans except a lingering taint of failure and scandal. A salutary demonstra­tion, Henry could reflect contentedly, that the duties of a Caesar were not easily usurped by anyone - the heir of St Peter included.

A point only emphasised by the peculiarly glaring contrast between the papal debacle and his own spectacular triumph. It was back in June 1074, exactly a year before Henry himself would lead the flower of the
Reich
to victory over the rebel Saxons, that Gregory had embarked on his expedition. First stop: a rendezvous with its somewhat improbable chief supporter. 'My most beloved and loving daughter,'
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Gregory was in the habit of addressing the Lady Matilda of Tuscany. For the Pope, there was no embarrassment in acknowledging his obligations to a woman who was not yet thirty. Though Matilda's stepfather, Duke Godfrey the Bearded, had died back in 1069, her mother, the Countess Beatrice, had succeeded admirably in keeping all the broad dominions of the House of Canossa to herself- and in grooming her only child to inherit their rule. Spirited, beautiful and blonde, Matilda was hardly a typical lieutenant of reform - and yet already she had proved herself a most invaluable one. Raised by her chaste and devout mother to believe passionately in everything that the new pope stood for, she had not hesitated to offer him an army of thirty thousand knights, nor to commit to accompanying his proposed expedition herself. Gregory, far from trying to dissuade her, had been so enthused by her 'sisterly aid'
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that he had set about recruiting the venerable Empress Agnes to the venture as well. Soon enough, the Countess Beatrice had signed up too. Gregory's opponents, however, rather than quaking in their boots at this impressive show of female backing, had responded with hilarity. Guiscard's Normans, in particular, had been loud in their derision. Perhaps, had Gregory succeeded in crushing them before embarking for Constantinople, as had been his intention, the mockery would have been silenced - but he had not. Only a fortnight into the campaign, news had reached Beatrice and Matilda of an insurrection back in Tuscany. With their forced withdrawal, Gregory had found himself with little choice but to abandon the whole expedition. Then, once back in Rome, he had fallen ill. The Holy Sepulchre had been left to seem a very long way off indeed.

Nor, a year and more on from the fiasco, had the damage been wholly repaired. Taunts that the rule of the Church had been handed over to a gaggle of women were widespread. Lurid allegations too of'a most appalling scandal'. To many bishops in particular, fed up as they were with hectoring demands from Rome that they impose a monk­ish lifestyle upon their priests, Gregory's warm relationship with Matilda appeared the rankest hypocrisy. What was it, they charged, if not 'intimacy and cohabitation with a strange woman'?
⁶⁹
Palpably unfair - but then again, as Henry himself knew all too well, innuendo hardly had to be true for it to be damaging. In the
Reich
especially, where bishops tended to be even haughtier than elsewhere in Christendom, and even more toweringly conscious of their own dig­nity, there were plenty who had developed an active stake in thinking the worst of the new pope. 'The man is a menace!' sniffed one arch­bishop. 'He presumes to boss us around as though we were his bailiffs!'
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Others, recoiling from Gregory's brusque demands that priests be obliged to abandon their wives, demanded to know whether he planned to staff the Church with angels. Such a show of sarcasm had absolutely zero effect on Gregory, himself. Indeed, by 1075, his pre­scriptions against married priests, and simony too, were attaining a whole new level of peremptoriness. In February, four bishops were suspended for disobedience. Then, in July, one of them, a particularly inveterate simonist, was deposed. Finally, as the year drew to its close, Gregory unleashed against the sullen and recalcitrant imperial Church the reformers' most devastating weapon of all. 'We have heard', he wrote in an open letter to King Henry's subjects, 'that cer­tain of the bishops who dwell in your parts either condone, or fail to take notice of, the keeping of women by priests.' Such men, rebels against the authority of St Peter, he now summoned to the court of popular opinion. 'We charge you', Gregory instructed the peoples of the
Reich,
'in no way to obey these bishops.'
⁷¹

This papal gambit appeared dangerous and perverse, irresponsible and criminal to the outraged bishops themselves. To Henry IV as well - for naturally, at a time when he had only just succeeded in stamping out the bushfires of rebellion in Saxony, the last thing he wanted to see imported north of the Alps was anything resembling the Patarenes. It was the role and the duty of his bishops, after all, to serve him as his principal ministers: only destabilise them, and the entire
Reich
risked being set to totter. Even that, however, was not the deadliest threat posed by Gregory's determination to bring the impe­rial Church to heel: for always, rumbling beneath the royal feet as it had done ever since the crisis first erupted in Milan, there waited a potentially even more explosive danger. For all Henry's show of tem­porary contrition, the row over who had the right to invest the city's archbishop — whether king or Pope - had still not been resolved; and in February, growing impatient, Gregory had sought to force the issue, and impose his candidate for good, by taking a fatal step. By the decree of a formal synod of the Roman Church, 'the King's right to confer bishoprics from that moment on was openly prohibited':
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a measure targeted at Milan, to be sure, but with potentially devastat­ing implications for royal authority across the whole span of the
Reich.
After all, without the right to invest bishops, how would Henry nom­inate his ministers, impose his authority, administer the kingdom? What future for the empire then? Gregory might not have intended it, but his attempt to win a battle threatened him with out-and-out war.

It was a far-reaching miscalculation. Lulled into a false sense of secu­rity by the young king's seeming tractability, Gregory had fatally misjudged the royal temper. In truth, Henry's policy of appeasement towards the papacy had only ever been a temporary expedient. His invariable instinct, whenever forced into a corner, was to come out fighting. By the autumn, with the Saxons defeated at last, Henry had successfully punched his way out of one - and could devote all his energies to escaping the other. Fortunately for him, much had changed to his advantage over the previous few months. Firstly, back in late March, the cathedral in Milan had been swept by a terrible fire: a disaster interpreted by most Milanese as a judgement on the Patarenes. A few weeks later, and any lingering doubts that God had turned decisively against Erlembald were dispelled when the papal captain was ambushed and cut down, his supporters among the clergy mutilated, and his remaining supporters driven into exile. By early autumn, with the Saxons crushed and Milan swept clear of Gregory's supporters, Henry felt ready to move at last. Ignoring the rival claims of Atto and Godfrey to the bishopric, he coolly nominated a third can­didate: a deacon who had travelled in his train to the Saxon wars, by the name of Tedald. Nor was that the limit, by any means, of Henry's provocations. For almost three years, he had found himself being pressed by Gregory to dismiss the advisers excommunicated by Alexander II—and had prevaricated. Now, in a pointed rubbing of salt into the papal wounds, he opted to dispatch one of them to Milan, to serve Tedald as his enforcer. A bullish and defiant assertion of royal authority, to be sure - but it was also, in the context of the gathering crisis, yet one further miscalculation. Though the Pope had badly underestimated the king, it would soon become clear that the king had underestimated the Pope even more.

On New Year's Day 1076, as Henry sat in royal splendour sur­rounded by the great princes of the
Reich,
seemingly the master of all he surveyed, three cloaked and breathless envoys were ushered into his presence. Barely three weeks it had taken them to ride the winter roads from Rome to Saxony: a telling measure of how urgent their mission was. Along with a letter from Gregory, written in a tone more of sorrow than of anger, they bore a verbal message for the king: one sterner, more prescriptive, altogether more threatening. Either Henry was to acknowledge all his offences, the Pope had decreed, and do penance for them - or else 'not only would he be excommunicated until he had made due restitution, but he would also be deprived of his entire dignity as king without hope of recovery'.
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Such an ultimatum spoke loudly of Gregory's courage, his sense of conviction, and his invincible self-confidence: for by now he had a far better understand­ing of his adversary's character. Throwing down the gauntlet as he had done, he would have anticipated the likely response. A response that, sure enough, was not slow in coming.

A mere thirty years had passed since Henry III, at the Synod of Sutri, had laid on a masterclass in the art of removing troublesome popes.

Now, determined to show himself a chip off the old block, his son aimed to reprise the coup. Three weeks into the new year, a full two- thirds of the
Reich's
bishops assembled in splendid conference at Worms. Their mission was one about which Henry made absolutely no bones: to ensure the disposal of the Pope. The bishops' solution? To insist that Gregory's elevation had been merely as the favourite of the Roman mob, rather than as the choice of Henry and the cardinals - and that as a result he was no pope at all. A neat manoeuvre - and one with which Henry was naturally delighted. Just to spice things up a bit, however, he made sure that some additional allegations were thrown in for good measure: that Gregory had repeatedly perjured himself; that he had treated the imperial bishops like slaves; that he had been carrying on with the Lady Matilda. All was then set down, and dis­patched by envoy to the man now referred to dismissively by the imperial bishops as 'Hildebrand'. Henry himself was even ruder. 'Let another sit upon St Peter's throne,' he proclaimed ringingly, 'one who will not cloak violence with a pretence of religion, but will teach the pure doctrine of St Peter. I, Henry, by God's grace king, with all our bishops say to you: come down, come down!'
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But Gregory did not come down. Instead, no sooner had he received Henry's invitation to abdicate than he prepared to order the gates of hell unbarred and swung open wide, ready to receive the obdurate king. In the very church in which he had first been hailed as Pope, before a full assembly of the Roman Church, and in the presence of the relics of St Peter, he ordered the letter from Worms to be read out - and the howls of horror which it provoked were terrible to hear. One week later, when Gregory formally confirmed the awful sentence of excommunication against the king, the throne of St Peter, it is said, split suddenly in two. A wonder fit to chill the blood: for one half of Christendom was indeed now sundered from the other. The terms of Gregory's anathema were dreadful and unparalleled. 'I take from King Henry, son of the Emperor Henry, who has risen against the Church with unheard-of pride, the government of the entire kingdom of the Germans and of the Italians. And I absolve the Christian people from any oath that they have taken, or shall take, to him. And I forbid anyone to serve him as king.'
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A deposition that, once pronounced, echoed terrifyingly across Christendom. Indeed, nervousness as to what they might have brought down upon themselves and upon the
Reich
immediately began to afflict Henry's bishops with serious second thoughts. At Easter, when the king summoned them to denounce 'Hildebrand' to the Christian people, only one, William of Utrecht, was bold enough to do so—and his cathedral was promptly struck by lightning. One week later, and he was afflicted with excruciating stom­ach cramps. One month later, and he was dead. William's fellow bishops, rather than persist in their support for a king who was so clearly accursed, now increasingly began to fall away. Many of them, anxious for their own souls, hurried to make their peace with Gregory - who, for his part, was diplomatically quick to welcome them back into the fold. Henry, having been cheered on all the way in the declaration of war that he had made at Worms, now found himself being abandoned on the very field of battle.