Once a Jolly Hangman (32 page)

Singaporean companies have also helped suppress dissent in Burma by supplying the military with arms to use against its own people. The first shipment of guns and ammunition was delivered on 6 October 1988. Throughout the month, hundreds of boxes of mortars, ammunition and other supplies marked 'Allied Ordnance, Singapore' were unloaded from vessels in Rangoon. Allied Ordnance is a subsidiary of Chartered Industries of Singapore, the arms branch of Singapore Technologies - the same government-owned company which built the cyber-war centre. The shipments also included rockets made by Chartered Industries of Singapore under license from a Swedish company and sold in violation of an agreement with Sweden requiring authorisation for re-exports. These shipments from Singapore arrived only weeks after the 1988 military takeover in Rangoon, in which the new leaders of the SLORC massacred hundreds of peaceful, pro-democracy demonstrators in the street. These killings followed another wave of government massacres earlier that summer when longtime dictator Ne Win struggled to keep power in the face of nationwide strikes and demonstrations for democracy He eventually stepped down but, operating behind the scenes, installed the puppet SLORC. As the killings continued thousands of civilians fled the country fearing for their lives. When numerous countries responded by suspending aid, and with traditional suppliers cutting shipments the SLORC became desperate. Singapore was the first country to come to its rescue and its companies have continued to supply Burma's military, sometimes acting as middlemen for arms from other countries ever since. In 1989, Israel and Belgium delivered grenade launchers and anti-tank guns via Singapore. In 1992, Singapore violated the European Commission arms embargo by acting as a broker and arranging for a $1.5 million shipment of mortars from Portugal. 'It is highly unlikely that any of these shipments to Myanmar could have been made without the knowledge and support of the Singapore Government', wrote William Ashton in Jane's Intelligence Review. 'By assisting with weapons sales, defence technology transfers, military training and intelligence cooperation, Singapore has been able to win a sympathetic hearing at the very heart of Myanmar's official councils'.

In November 1997, Singapore deployed its diplomatic arsenal to
defend Rangoon at the United Nations. Its representatives made an effort to water down the General Assembly resolution which castigated Burma for its harsh treatment of pro-democracy activists, widespread human rights violations, and nullification of free and fair elections that had voted it out of power. In an urgent' letter to the Swedish mission, which was drafting the resolution, Singapore representative Bilahari Kausikan cited progress' in Burma and said that 'the majority of your co-sponsors have little or no substantive interests in Myanmar. Our position is different. We have concrete and immediate stakes'. Objecting to parts of the resolution and attempting to soften the language, Singapore's representative circulated the letter to key members of the UN's Third Committee on Human Rights. 'The driving force was definitely its business connections', according to Dr Ihaung Htun, Representative for UN Affairs for Burma's government-in-
exile. 'Singapore defended its investments at the diplomatic level, using its efforts at the UN to promote its business interests'. The protection of Singapore's 'concrete and immediate stakes' is essential to the ruling party's success in maintaining power and the basis of its support for Burma, said Case Western Reserve University economist Christopher Lingle. 'Singapore depends heavily upon its symbiotic relationship with crony capitalists and upon accommodating a high enough rate of return to keep the citizenry in line. Therefore its very survival is tied up with business and government investments'.

William Ashton, writing in Jane's Intelligence Review, suggested an additional incentive for Singapore's alliance with Burma. As Rangoon's major regional backer and strategic ally, China has provided much of the weaponry, training and financial assistance for the junta. China's expanding commercial and strategic interests in the Asia-Pacific region, coupled with its alliance with neighbouring Burma, is a source of great concern in Singapore. The desire to keep Burma from becoming Beijing's stalking horse in the region may provide another motivation for Singapore's wooing of Rangoon. The Singapore government has consistently disregarded the gross human rights violations, along with China and Russia. A US State Department country report for 1997 states that its 'longstanding severe repression of human rights continued during the year. Citizens continued to live subject at any time and without appeal to the arbitrary and sometimes brutal dictates
of the military dictatorship'. Amnesty International reports that there were well over 1,200 political prisoners languishing in Burma dungeons where torture is commonplace. This was nothing new. The country has been politically unstable since 1962.

In 2007 the military junta again began a crackdown on peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations, including a protest march led by Buddhist monks - once more boosting its prison population. The catalyst for that popular outburst was believed to be a huge increase in fuel costs that have begun to hurt the average citizen. But the protests were over more issues than just the price of petrol. It was all about freedom and democracy and human rights abuses. Images of bloodied monks were plastered all over the world. The US threatened stiffer sanctions, 27 members of the European Union also condemned the act, but only China and Russia stood in the way of a swiff UN Security Council resolution to confront the military government over its actions. However, following a visit in October 2007 the Secretary- General's Special Adviser, Ibrahim Gambari, reported 'positive' human rights developments and an invitation from Burma government for him and UN Special Rapporteur for human rights, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, to visit the country again in November 2007.

Pinheiro emphasised the 'importance of obtaining any information - even incomplete information - on the state of human rights in the country'. His trip to the country from 11 to 15 November was the first since 2003, when he was last allowed to visit on behalf of the United Nations. In his later address to the UN, Pinheiro emphasised the limitations of his visit. "This was not a full-fledged fact-finding mission', he said, citing the short time period, the lack of access to civilians and the government restrictions on his movement. 'My only moment where I was not with the government was when I met with certain UN dignitaries and interviewed prisoners and monks'. Despite these
constraints, however, Pinheiro expressed his gratitude to the government for allowing him to return to the country 'It was a very unusual format that in normal circumstances I would not accept', he was reported to have said before adding, 'I'm not complaining'. During the visit, Pinheiro told the UN that he met with several groups, including the government's newly established human rights body, the police, 12 monks and administrators of the Yangon general hospital.

He also visited the infamous Insein prison where an estimated 1,200 political prisoners were held before the military crackdown began in September. There, he was able to conduct one-on-one meetings with five detainees. These interviews were unrecorded - as far as he knew. However, he is still unclear about his proposals for improved compliance with human rights legislation. He said: 'I need to report, I need to be public, but I must convince the authorities to comply with human rights laws'. While the government has provided detailed records in response to some of his requests for information, Pinheiro said: "There is a lot of information I cannot verify'. Pinheiro said he discussed the importance of timing in improving the political situation. "Thanks to the impact of images and the worldwide revulsion to the military crackdown, the international community is sharing a moment of coordination', he said. 'My fear is that the scenes of these marchers will be forgotten and we will lose this opportunity'. Pinheiro stressed the significant role that international cooperation, especially among the East and Southeast Asian countries, could play in stabilising the country and facilitating political transition. He said, 'I want to tell the other countries, 'you owe something to these people. They represent our values. The international community has to show some competence to talk less and act more effectively".

As expected, it was business as usual with Singapore whose leaders did not react in any way to the Saffron Revolution nor a report by Danish Doctors for Human Rights which revealed that '66 per cent of the over 120,000 refugees from Burma now living in Thailand have been tortured' in their own country and subjected to 'forced labour, deportation, pillaging, destruction of villages, and various forms of torture and rape'. The doctors reported that refugees witnessed the junta's military forces murder members of their families. Writing in the Online Citizen, Singaporean journalist Khairulanwar Zaini, said:

The antipathy towards the unholy alliance between the Singapore government and the Burmese junta is motivated by the latter's abysmal track record in governance - the countless flagrant abuses of power and inept leadership are legendary - and rightly so, it would seem inconceivable that our leaders should accommodate such personalities culpable of the murder of their own citizens. However, a deeper look into the issue will force many to confro
nt the very practical realities
of politics and economics: the governments motivation to engage with the Burmese has very little to do with altruism, but more of the economic advantages that can be procured. Burma is a potential source of lucrative economic profit for any investing nation, particularly when most other foreign investors shy away from it. And therein lies the opportunity for Singapore - and this parleying to the Burmese junta is nothing new, but an attempt to play catch-up with Thailand and regional giants India and China, nations which have entered into close economic partnerships with Burma, and are clearly reaping the benefits of being
the leading investors in a resource-rich nation that is shunned by others. Nevertheless, it may seem downright atrocious that our pursuit of economic growth is at the expense of the innocent citizens of Burma. Given the bloody crackdowns in the dying days of the Saffron Revolution and willful deprivation imposed on the Burmese population, it is legitimate to argue that doing business with the junta is a tacit acceptance of its ruthless and bloody policies, and that we are somehow culpable for prolonging the suffering of ordinary Burmese people. And this primacy that our government has accorded to economics and material wealth, overriding considerations of human rights and a sense of common decency, has earned the contempt of many an idealist, this author among them.

The Burmese government has also kept computers and communication technology away from students and others in opposition to the regime. All computers, software, email services and other telecommunication devices - which hardly anyone can afford anyway - must be licensed but licences are almost impossible to obtain. Yet Singapore has made the best computer technology available to the ruling elite and their business partners. Singapore Telecom, the largest company in Asia outside Japan, was the first to provide Burma businesses and government offices with the ability to set up inter- and intra-corporate communications in more than 90 countries.

Singapore's concerns are dramatically different from those of countries sharing a border with Burma. Thailand has to deal with the deadly narcotics trade and an overwhelming number of refugees arriving on a daily basis. Banphot Piamdi, the Thai counter-narcotics official, believes Thailand made a big mistake when it voted for Burma's entry into the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) given its lack of cooperation in fighting drugs. Not surprisingly, the
Singapore government lobbied hard for Burma's 1997 acceptance into the powerful regional alliance. Ironically, its inclusion in ASEAN would force member nations, including Singapore, to address the havoc that their newest ally was imposing on the region - especially since it provides approximately 90 per cent of the total production of Southeast Asian opium - but his hope does not appear to have materialised more than a decade later. Burma's neighbours, China and India, now face severe AIDS epidemics related to increased heroin use in their bordering provinces. Most of the heroin exported from Burma to the West passes through China's Yunnan province, which now has more than half a million addicts. And even Singapore, whose heroin supply comes mostly from Burma, had a 41 per cent rise in HIV cases in 1997 with the problem still unabated as in 2010.

Meanwhile Singapore has become Washington's forward partner in the unfolding era of East-West trade. Former Ambassador Green called the country 'a major entry port and a natural gateway to Asia for American firms'. US companies exported $22.3 billion worth of goods to Singapore in 2009, its thirteenth largest trading partner, and more than 1,500 US firms now operate in the country. Singapore's strategic and economic importance to the US cannot be overstated. The two countries have a long-term agreement allowing the US Navy to use a Singapore base even though the deal violates ASEAN's 1997 nuclear weapons-free zone agreement. The US has condemned Burma's record of human rights abuses and support for the drug trade but has turned a blind eye when it comes to Singapore's dealings with the regime. Although when in power
President Clinton imposed economic sanctions partly for Burma's role in providing pure and cheap heroin to America's youth he did not comment on Singapore's willingness to play ball with the world's biggest heroin traffickers. Ambassador Green told Congress at the time that the US 'has an important role in working with the Singapore government to deal with illegal drug and weapons proliferation issues'. But most US officials have remained silent about Singapore's investments with Lo and Burma's narco-dictatorship.