Purgatorio (136 page)

37–42.
   The opening verses of Beatrice’s extended prophecy seem clearly to indicate that the one who will come is related to the eagle of empire, i.e., that beneficent Roman empire that had begun so well under Augustus and then had become corrupt. It seems difficult to believe that this, as some maintain, is not an imperial prophecy.
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43–45.
   This enigmatic passage has drawn an extraordinary amount of contradictory opinion. For a review of the entire question, see Pietro Mazzamuto, “Cinquecento diece e cinque,”
ED
II (1970), pp. 10b–14b. It is also helpful to consult Charles Davis’s similar review of the first and similar prophecy in the poem, the
veltro
(hound) of
Inferno
I.101 (“veltro,”
ED
V [1976], pp. 908a–912b). Most now argue, whether or not they believe that the number, if expressed by the Roman numerals DXV, is an anagram of
DUX
(or “leader” [the Roman “V” and “U” being equivalent letters]), that the context of the passage makes it apparent that Beatrice is here indicating the advent of a temporal leader, one who will deal with the excesses of the king of France and the delinquent Church. Further, if the canto is taken as having been written before his death in August 1313, many believe that the prophecy points to Henry VII. Some also believe that if the first reference is to a political leader, it also points beyond him to the second coming of Christ, the final emperor. See Hollander (Holl.1969.1), pp. 184–90, and the note to
Inferno
I.100–105. A standard and useful treatment of the problem remains that of Moore (Moor.1903.1), pp. 253–83.
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46–51.
   The general sense of this passage is clear: future events will make plain the terms of the cloudy prophecy, which is compared to those made by Themis (Ovid,
Metam.
I.375–394) and by the Sphinx. Both of these monstrous females later appear in the same passage in Ovid (
Metam.
VII.759–765), where their hatred of humans is, as here, described in terms of the loss of human and animal life in the countryside. The key lines in the modern text of Ovid run as follows: “Carmina Laïades non intellecta priorum / solverat ingeniis …” (The son of Laius [Oedipus] solved the riddles which had baffled the intellects of all before him). We are close to being absolutely sure, however, that the text as Dante knew it substituted “Naïades” for “Laïades” and showed a plural form of the verb
(solverant)
. And so Dante believed that it was the Naiads, water nymphs, who had solved the riddle of the Sphinx. This was the cruel monster who cast herself down from her rock, whence she had been killing clueless Thebans, once Oedipus realized that the variously footed creature in her riddle was man (the story that we know from Sophocles’
Oedipus
, unknown, like nearly all of Greek letters, to Dante).

Dante does not “nod” often, but this is one of the most egregious errors in the
Comedy
, even if it has some reasonable excuse behind it. In fact, all of the early commentators accept Dante’s reading, thus indicating that
their
texts also had “Naiads” where they should have had Laius’s son. The better reading had to wait for Nikolaes Heinsius (1620–81), the Dutch Latin poet and scholar, one of the great Renaissance textual editors of the Latin classics. His edition (Florence, 1646) of the
Metamorphoses
restored the reading
Laïades
. It is thus only with the commentary of Venturi (1732) that the better reading is made known to the world of Dante’s commentators, and even then some of them try to object to it, seeking a way to understand the Naiads as interpreters of prophetic utterance. Ghisalberti (Ghis.1932.1) offers a comprehensive discussion of the problem.
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52.
   Beatrice’s use of the verb
notare
here may remind us of its last use with this sense (setting something down as a text) in Dante’s self-description as inspired poet, one who only records what he hears from the “dictator” (
Purg.
XXIV.53).
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54.
   Dante’s often admired phrase, describing life as a
“correre alla morte”
(race to death) reflects St. Augustine (
DcD
XIII.10): “Our time for this life is nothing other than a race to death
(cursus ad mortem)
,” as was suggested by Mattalia (1960).
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55–57.
   As her scribe, Dante is instructed by Beatrice not to conceal from his eventual readers the condition of the tree, now robbed of its possessions twice. Bosco/Reggio (1979) review the divided opinions of the early commentators, who variously believe that the reference is to Adam and the giant, to Adam and the eagle, or to the eagle and the giant. In their view, all three seem plausible glosses. However, it has seemed to others that, since, from Beatrice’s words we gather that Dante has witnessed these two devastations (and not that of Adam, which is referred to in a following tercet [vv. 61–63]), it is the first and last attacks upon the tree that are referred to here: its defoliation by the eagle (the imperial persecutions of
Purg
. XXXII.112–114) and its having the chariot detached from it by the giant (the removal to Avignon, referred to in
Purg
. XXXII.158).
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58–63.
   Beatrice’s accusation now widens, blaming Adam as the first despoiler of the tree and praising Christ for redeeming him. For the calculation of the length of Adam’s life (930 years) and of his punishment in Limbo (4,302 years) see
Paradiso
XXVI.118–120 and the note to that passage. After 25 March the year 1300 is the 6,499th year since the creation of Adam.
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66.
   For the downward-pointing branches of the tree, set at an angle that makes climbing it difficult or impossible, see
Purgatorio
XXXII.40–42.
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67–78.
   For a paraphrase of this somewhat contorted utterance see the Outline of this canto.
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67.
   The river Elsa in Tuscany, because of its high concentration of minerals, was known for the crusting overlay it would leave on objects immersed in it.
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69
.  For Pyramus, Thisbe, and the mulberry tree, see the note to
Purgatorio
XXVII.37–42.
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72.
   The word “moralmente” was understood, even in some of the earliest commentators (e.g., Jacopo della Lana [1324]), as having a technical meaning here, i.e., “con lo senso tropologico” (with the tropological [i.e., third] sense [of fourfold exegesis of the Bible]). See the section on allegory in the introduction to
Inferno
. Various later commentators are of the same opinion, e.g., Tommaseo (1837), Scartazzini (1900), Poletto (1894). What this signifies is that the meaning applies now to current history. God’s original “interdiction,” broken by Adam, whose sin was redeemed by the cross on which Christ sacrificed Himself, is now binding on us, as well, even though we are at least potentially saved. Even now we, new Adams, are not meant to eat of the Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil.
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77–78.
   That is, Dante, bringing back this message, will seem like a pilgrim returned from the Holy Land, his “staff” decorated with the sign of the distant and holy place to which he has been.
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79–84.
   These lines offer a fairly rare instance of a speaker in the poem expressing himself by use of a simile. Dante is saying that what Beatrice tells him seems to be completely clear, but that he really cannot understand what she means.
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85–90.
   Beatrice is charging Dante with having attempted to eat of the Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil. As some commentators (e.g., the Ottimo [1333], Scartazzini [1900]) have understood, the point here seems to be that Dante turned from theology to philosophy in his effort to do that. The current majority view of the nature of Dante’s aberration is well represented by Bosco/Reggio (1979): Dante had, in the
Convivio
, set theology to one side in order to study philosophy, a decision he now deplores. For the notion that this fairly common view is incorrect, see Scott (Scot.1991.1).
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94–99.
   Beatrice’s response to Dante is worthy of the Inquisition. That he can no longer remember his sins (because he has drunk from Lethe, the river of oblivion) is proof that he had committed them.
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97.
   Dante’s phrasing, “if from seeing smoke we argue there is fire,” might remind a reader of St. Augustine’s discussion of signs in
De doctrina christiana
(II.i.1): “A sign is a thing that causes us to think of something beyond the impression the thing itself makes on the senses. Thus, if we see a track, we think of the animal that made the track;
if we see smoke, we know that there is a fire
that causes it” (translation adapted from that of D. W. Robertson, Jr., italics added).
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100–102.
   Not only does Beatrice speak more plainly for the rest of this canto, but the poet does as well, allowing most of his verse to be more immediately understandable than is his custom.
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103–105.
   The sun takes “slower steps” the higher it is above us, moving quickest at dawn and dusk, slowest as it approaches and departs from noon. While the absolute position of the sun is not in doubt, the earthly observer will have a sense of the location of the meridian circle containing it that varies according to that observer’s position.
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112.
   Dante indicates to the reader that he knows very well that the rivers in the garden of Eden in fact (i.e., in Genesis 2:14) include Tigris and Euphrates (and not Lethe and Eunoe, which are here by his invention). See the note to
Purgatorio
XXVIII.127–132.
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119.
   While it is only now that we hear Matelda’s name, we have observed her actions so long that we may feel that we understand her function. See the notes to
Purgatorio
XXVIII.1 and 40–42.
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121–123.
   Matelda did indeed tell Dante the name of this river (Eunoe) at
Purgatorio
XXVIII.131. As opposed to his forgetting his sins in Lethe he is now forgetting the promise of that good resolution of his plight, so deeply, we may well imagine, has he been stung by Beatrice’s accusations.
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128–135.
   Only now, and in less than completely clear terms, do we learn about Matelda’s function in the garden, which seems to be to serve as “baptizer” of the souls as they finish their purification, first in Lethe (as she draws Dante through that river at
Purg
. XXXI.91–102) and finally in Eunoe. There is a dispute as to whether or not Matelda’s role in the garden is Dante-specific (which it has been, from all that we have seen, until now) or “universal” (see the note to
Purg
. XXVIII.40–42). Indeed, Contini has argued (Cont.1976.1), p. 174n., that the verb
usa
(as you are accustomed) in the present tense should be understood as a past definite (
già praticasti
[as once you used to]) and thus implies that Matelda had such a role in Dante’s earlier life. This is a case of interpreting (or indeed revising) the text in order to create or preserve a desired interpretation. Contini’s point would be worth considering except for a single, crucial, and indeed determinative final point, Matelda’s last words in the poem, which are addressed to Statius (vv. 134–135): “Now come with him.” Thus, and only at the very last moment, we learn that Matelda’s function in the garden is not limited to ministrations on behalf of Dante alone (i.e., she deals either with all the saved souls who come through here or with some of them). (See Filippo Villani’s similar view in Bellomo’s edition of his commentary to
Inf
. I [Bell.1989.1], p. 92, n. 90.) To be sure, Dante alone is mentioned as receiving her ministrations at the river Lethe (
Purg
. XXXI.91–105). From this later passage, however, we are probably forced to consent to the notion that she there presided over Statius’s submersion as well as Dante’s, a scene that, like much involving Statius’s (and Virgil’s) presence in the garden, is allowed to disappear from Dante’s page. For this view see Singleton (Sing.1958.1), p. 181, n. 17.
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