The Bounty: The True Story of the Mutiny on the Bounty (76 page)

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For the Reverend William Cookson, see A. Aspinall, ed.,
The Later Correspondence of George III,
vol. 1 (Cambridge, 1962), pp. 370, 579, and passim. For Cookson’s weight, see Farrington,
The Farington Diary,
p. 196 (entry for June 5, 1794).
Information about William Gilpin is found in Barnes and Mortlake History Society publication no. 30, September 1969, p. 4; for evidence of a neighborly connection between Gilpin and Joseph Christian, see John Eustace Anderson,
A Short Account of the Mortlake Company of the Royal Putney, Roehampton and Mortlake Volunteers Corps 1803-6
(Richmond, 1893), provided by the London Borough of Richmond upon Thames Local Studies Library, along with an undated newspaper cutting about the Gilpins from “an old ledger” (22.9.1906). The quotations from Gilpin’s visiting cousin regarding Edward Christian’s inquiry are from Peter Benson, ed.,
My Dearest Betsy: A Self-Portrait by William Gilpin, 1757-1848
(London, 1981), pp. 133 ff.
From a document in the London Metropolitan Archives, John France would seem to have been a commissioner of bankruptcy (London Deeds, ref. O/014/014, date 1804); additional information was kindly supplied by the Temple Inns of Court. Captain John Wordsworth is glimpsed in an account of the loss at sea of William Wordsworth’s brother: Alethea Hayter,
The Wreck of the Abergavenny
(London, 2002).
James Losh has an entry in the
Dictionary of National Biography
“Missing Persons” supplement (Oxford, 1993). His remark regarding Christian’s mutiny is found in James Losh, “Diary,” held by the Jackson Collection, Carlisle Library (entry for April 3, 1798). For his relationship to Wordsworth, see Paul Kaufman, “Wordsworth’s ‘Candid and Enlightened Friend,’ ”
Notes and Queries,
n.s., 9, (November 1962) pp. 403-8. Excerpts of Losh’s diary have been published: Edward Hughes, ed.,
The Diaries and Correspondence of James Losh,
2 vols. (Durham, 1962-63).
Dorothy Wordsworth’s description of Edward Christian is found in her letter to Jane Pollard of June 26, 1791; see Alan G. Hill, ed.,
Letters of Dorothy Wordsworth: A Selection
(Oxford, 1981), pp. 9f. Wordsworth’s college days at St. John’s are described in Mary Moorman,
William Wordsworth: A Biography,
vol. 1 (Oxford, 1957), which also makes mention of Wordsworth’s relation to Frewen and Fisher.
For the remarks about breadfruit as food for West Indian slaves, see Hinton East to Banks, July 19, 1784, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (BC 1. 168). The economic and political issues behind the breadfruit venture are discussed in David MacKay, “Banks, Bligh and Bread-fruit,”
The New Zealand Journal of History
8 (1974), pp. 61-77.
A favorite fiction inserted at the end of many accounts of Bligh’s Tahitian voyages is that the breadfruit was disliked and spurned in Jamaica, and hence Bligh’s efforts had been useless. By contrast, see Dulcie Powell, “The Voyage of the Plant Nursery, H.M.S.
Providence,
1791-1793,”
Bulletin of the Institute of Jamaica,
Science Series no. 15 (1973), p. 7, which asserts that the fruit is “absolutely relied upon in rural areas, where breadfruit in its season, is eaten three times a day.”
Edward Christian’s letter to Wilberforce reporting on his “inquiry” is in the Bodleian Library, Oxford (Bod Ms. Wilberforce d.15/1 Fol.22r-23v.). Wilberforce’s friendship with Edward Christian is discussed in John Pollock,
Wilberforce
(New York, 1977), p. 8. The striking abolitionist character of Edward Christian’s committee and its remarkably numerous associations with William Wordsworth and his circle were first established and explored by Wilkinson, who was the first scholar of the
Bounty
to look beyond the particulars of its own history to the wider contemporary world of English politics and letters. This in itself was enlightening, but such observations serve only as a backdrop to his main contention—which must for the moment be reserved for the following chapter. Suffice it to say at this point that central to Wilkinson’s thesis is the highly convincing premise that Coleridge’s “Rime of the Ancient Mariner” was in part inspired by Fletcher Christian’s adventures.
Edward Christian’s report was made in the form of an appendix to Stephen Barney’s publication of the minutes of the court-martial: Stephen Barney,
Minutes of the Proceedings of the Court-Martial held at Portsmouth, August
[sic]
12, 1792. On Ten Persons charged with Mutiny on Board His Majesty’s Ship the Bounty. With an Appendix, Containing A full Account of the real Causes and Circumstances of that unhappy Transaction, the most material of which have hitherto been withheld from the Public
(London, 1794).
For examples of language commonly employed by naval officers in this great age of sail, see Sir R. Vesey Hamilton and John Knox Laughton, eds.,
Recollections of James Anthony Gardner, Commander R.N.
(London, 1906), Publications of the Navy Records Society, vol. 31, pp. 43 ff., 61, 66, 69ff., 160, 169 ff.
James Morrison’s two narratives are held by the Mitchell Library: “Memorandum and particulars respecting the Bounty and her crew,” Safe 1/33; and “Journal on HMS Bounty and at Tahiti, 1792,” ML, ZML Safe 1/42.
The Reverend Mr. Howell’s letter to Molesworth Phillips of November 25, 1792, is found in SLNSW: the Sir Joseph Banks Electronic Archive, 48.01. Phillips’s letter to Banks of December 12, 1792, apparently accompanying Morrison’s “Journal,” is found in BL Add. MS 33979.188-189.
Bligh’s public rebuttal of Edward Christian’s charges is made in William Bligh,
Answer to Certain Assertions contained in the Appendix to a Pamphlet, entitled “Minutes of the Proceedings on the Court Martial held at Portsmouth August
[sic]
12th 1792 on Ten Persons Charged with Mutiny on Board His Majesty’s Ship the Bounty”
(London, 1794), also published in facsimile by the Australiana Society. Bligh’s unpublished remarks on Edward Christian’s charges, on the court-martial testimony, and on Morrison’s narrative are found in William Bligh, “Attestation Mr. Wm. Bligh Plaintiff” and “Remarks on Morrison’s Journal,” both held by the ML (Safe 1/43).
For Joseph Farington’s report concerning Bligh’s intention to answer all charges against him, and the actions of the Heywood family, see Farrington,
The Farington Diary,
vol. 1, p. 56 (entry for June 23, 1794).
Howe’s letter regarding Peter Heywood’s difficulties in getting promoted is found in HO 119 Howe; Richard, Earl Howe to Sir Roger Curtis, July 23, 1794, Huntington Library, San Marino, Calif. The lawyer’s report is given in John Marshall, “Peter Heywood, Esq.,”
Royal Naval Biography,
vol. 2, part 2 (London, 1825), pp. 747-97. Peter Heywood’s “Lieutenant’s Passing Certificate” and statement of service are found in Adm. 107/19 and Adm. 6/94; for comparison with James Morrison, see Adm. 106/2217.
The will of Sir George Young is found in PROB 11/1515.
The reviews of Edward Christian’s “Appendix” and Bligh’s response are found respectively in the
British Critic
4 (November 1794), p. 559, and 4 (December 1794), p. 686. Edward Christian’s final word is given in Edward Christian,
A Short Reply to Capt. William Bligh’s Answer
(London, 1795), published in facsimile by the Australiana Society (Melbourne, 1952).
The verses from
The Borderers
can be found in
The Poetical Works of William Wordsworth,
vol. 1 (Oxford, 1963), verses 1727 ff.
For Coleridge’s notebook entry, see Kathleen Coburn, ed.,
The Notebooks of Samuel Taylor Coleridge,
vol. 1 (New York, 1957), #174 G.169.22 or folio 25‘. For Coleridge’s dazzling poetic process, see Jonathon Livingston Lowes,
The Road to Xanadu
(Boston, 1927); or immodestly, this author’s own
The Way to Xanadu
(New York, 1994), about traveling to the landmarks of
Kubla Khan.
The line from “The Rime of the Ancient Mariner” can be found in
The Complete Poetical Works of Samuel Taylor Coleridge,
vol. 1 (Oxford, 1975), part 4, verses 232ff.
LATITUDE 25° S, LONGITUDE 130° W
 
The discovery of Pitcairn (“Pitcairn’s” in earliest accounts) is recorded in Admiral Philip Carteret, “An Account of a Voyage Round the World,” in John Hawkesworth’s
Voyages,
vol. 1 (London, 1773). The meandering and remarkable voyage of the
Bounty
under Christian’s command until arrival at Pitcairn is described in H. E. Maude, “In Search of a Home: From the Mutiny to Pitcairn Island (1789-1790),”
Journal of the Polynesian Society
67, no. 2 (June 1958), pp. 104-31.
 
The log of the
Topaz,
Captain Folger (April 5, 1807-February 10, 1808) is found in the Nantucket Historical Association Research Library, MS 220: ship’s logs, no. 105. News of the
Topaz
’s discovery was first published in Mayhew Folger, “Mutineers of the Bounty,”
Naval Chronicle
21 (1809), pp. 454-55; it was later reported in a review of
Voyage de Dentrecasteaux . . . , Quarterly Review,
February 1810, pp. 21-43; Lieutenant Fitzmaurice’s report appears at pp. 23 ff. The
Bounty
Kendall chronometer had a long and colorful history of its own. Months after leaving Pitcairn, with his crew suffering from scurvy, Folger called in at the Spanish colony of Juan Fernández, where the Spanish garrison, in contravention of all sea law, impounded his ship, imprisoned his crew, and confiscated the
Bounty
chronometer. This was then purchased at an unknown date by a Señor Castillo for three doubloons. On his death in 1840, his family sold it to Captain Thomas Herbert, HMS
Calliope,
who gave it to what was then the United Service Museum in London. It was then acquired by the National Maritime Museum in Greenwich, where it can be seen today (along with John Adams’s pigtail)—still, reportedly, keeping good time. Walter Hayes,
The Captain from Nantucket and the Mutiny on the Bounty
(Ann Arbor, Mich., 1996), contains most material relating to Folger’s visit, along with vivid background information. Finally, a letter from Folger’s wife describes what her husband had told her of his discovery (Mary Folger to Mary Rappee, 1846, Nantucket Historical Association Research Library, Folger Family Papers, MS 118, folder 32).
Manuscript copies of Pipon’s report are found in SLNSW: the Sir Joseph Banks Electronic Archive: “Papers concerning the discovery of Pitcairn Island and the mutineers of HMS Bounty, 1808-1809, 1813-1815” (Series 71.05). Pipon’s account was published in a review of
Journal of a Cruize made to the Pacific Ocean, Quarterly Review
13, no. 26 (July 1815), pp. 352-83. This report was closely paraphrased, along with a copy of Captain Staines’s report, in “Nautical Anecdotes and Selections; Mutineers of the Bounty,”
Naval Chronicle
35 (1816), pp. 17-25. An expanded version of Pipon’s account was published as “The Descendants of the Bounty’s Crew,”
United Service Journal
(1834), part 1, pp. 191-99.
Lieutenant John Shillibeer of the Royal Marines on board the
Briton
also left an account: John Shillibeer,
A Narrative of the
Briton
’s Voyage to Pitcairn’s Island
(Taunton, 1817); it was Shillibeer who reported Thursday October’s reaction to the West Indian. An important article based on Shillibeer’s report was also published in an unnamed newspaper (possibly the
Sydney Gazette
) in 1817, preserved in ATL, qMS-2259. “Account of Pitcairn’s Island Received from Mr. Rodney Shannon, Lieutenant on Board the King’s Ship, 1815,” Suffolk County Record Office, Bury St. Edmund’s (Ref 941/56/92), is also from this voyage. A brief report was also made by Lieutenant H. B. Willis, along with a marvelous sketch of the island and the picturesque inhabitants clad like ancient Greeks; this is found in ATL, qMS-2259. Finally, an amusing anecdote is related in Mordecai M. Noah,
Travels in England, France, Spain and the Barbary States, in the Years 1813-14 and 15
(New York, 1819), pp. 6 ff. Noah was on a ship taken captive by the
Briton.
Captain Staines received his prisoners with “politeness and civility” but no “unmeaning expressions of regret.”
The script of
Pitcairn’s Island, Melo Dramatic Ballet of Action in Two Acts, Thomas John Dibdin, Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, April 10, 1816
(LA 1918), is in the Huntington Library, San Marino, Calif.
Sir W. Sidney Smith’s letter of March 5, 1816, is found in ATL, MS-Papers-3102.
For Adams’s history, see Brian W. Scott, “The True Identity of John Adams,”
Mariner’s Mirror
68 (1982), pp. 31-39. As an improbable footnote, Adams’s genealogy reveals him to be the great-uncle of Mary Moffat, who married the missionary David Livingston. The report of Adams’s visit to the
Sultan
and the first published account of his autobiography (and a brief but fascinating biographical sketch of mutineer Matthew Quintal) is recorded in
The New England Galaxy,
January 12, 1821, in a letter to the editor by Samuel Topliff.
Adams’s letter to his brother, with information about his brother’s employment, was published in the
European Magazine,
September 1819, pp. 210-11.
The visit in 1825 of the
Blossom,
Captain Beechey, is amply documented. The speculation that Fletcher Christian might be found on Pitcairn was made by Lieutenant George Peard, “Journal Kept on HMS Blossom, Captain Beechey in 1825,” BL Add. MS 35141. Beechey’s manuscript draft of Adams’s account, “John Adams, Narrative, 1825,” is found in ML, A1804; for Beechey’s published account, see F. W. Beechey,
Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific and Beering’s Strait, to co-operate with the Polar Expeditions, performed in His Majesty’s Ship Blossom, under the command of Captain F. W. Beechey
(London, 1831). See also James Wolf, “Journal of a voyage on board the HMS Blossom” (WA MS 533), in the Yale Collection of Western Americana, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library; this log emphasizes Stewart’s role in the mutiny. Finally, the inexplicably unexamined account of Lieutenant Belcher, “Private Journal and remarks etc. H.M. Ship Blossom on discovery during the years 1825, 6, 7 Captn. F. W. Beechey Commander, by Edward Belcher, Supy. Lieut. & Assistant Surveyor,” is found in ATL, MS-0158. A review of Beechey’s book with substantial commentary and quotation is [W. H. Smyth], “Capt. Beechey’s Narrative,”
United Service Journal
(1831), part 1, pp. 527-31.

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