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Lamarck
Elaborated


The environment creates the organ

The Greeks were wrong who said our eyes have rays;

Not from these sockets or these sparkling poles

Comes the illumination of our days.

It was the sun that bored these two blue holes.

It was the song of doves begot the ear

And not the ear that first conceived of sound:

That organ bloomed in vibrant atmosphere,

As music conjured Ilium from the ground.

The yielding water, the repugnant stone,

The poisoned berry and the flaring rose

Attired in sense the tactless finger-bone

And set the taste-buds and inspired the nose.

Out of our vivid ambiance came unsought

All sense but that most formidably dim.

The shell of balance rolls in seas of thought.

It was the mind that taught the head to swim.

Newtonian numbers set to cosmic lyres

Whelmed us in whirling worlds we could not know,

And by the imagined floods of our desires

The voice of Sirens gave us vertigo.

Sources: J. B. Lamarck,
Zoological
Philosophy,
trans. Hugh Elliot, London, Macmillan, 1914. George Bernard Shaw, Preface to
Back
to
Methuselah
(Copyright Society of Authors, 84 Drayton Gardens, sw10). Richard Wilbur,
Things
of
This
World,
New York, Harcourt Brace, 1956.

The composer Hector Berlioz (1803–69) had a brief spell as a medical student, until a visit to the Opera drew him irresistibly towards music. This is from his
Memoirs.

On arriving in Paris in 1821 with my fellow-student Alphonse Robert, I gave myself up wholly to studying for the career which had been thrust upon me, and loyally kept the promise I had given my father on leaving. It was soon put to a somewhat severe test when Robert, having announced one morning that he had bought a ‘subject’ (a corpse), took me for the first time to the dissecting-room at the Hospice de la Pitié. At the sight of that terrible charnel-house – the fragments of limbs, the grinning faces and gaping skulls, the bloody quagmire underfoot and the atrocious smell it gave off, the swarms of sparrows wrangling over scraps of lung, the rats in their corner gnawing the bleeding vertebrae – such a feeling of revulsion possessed me that I leapt through the window of the dissecting-room and fled for home as though Death and all his hideous train were at my heels. The shock of that first impression lasted for twenty-four hours. I did not want to hear another word about anatomy, dissection or medicine, and I meditated a hundred mad schemes of escape from the future that hung over me.

Robert lavished his eloquence in a vain attempt to argue away my disgust and demonstrate the absurdity of my plans. In the end he got me to agree to make another effort. For the second time I accompanied him to the hospital and we entered the house of the dead. How strange! The objects which before had filled me with extreme horror had absolutely no effect upon me now. I felt nothing but a cold distaste; I was already as hardened to the scene as any seasoned medical student. The crisis was past. I found I actually enjoyed groping about in a poor fellow’s chest and feeding the winged inhabitants of the delightful place their ration of lung. ‘Hallo!’ Robert cried,
laughing, ‘you’re getting civilized. “Thou giv’st the little birds their daily bread.”’ ‘“An o’er all nature’s realm my bounty spread,”’ I retorted, tossing a shoulder-blade to a great rat staring at me with famished eyes.

Source:
The
Memoirs
of
Hector
Berlioz,
Member
of
the
French
Institute,
including
his
travels
in
Italy,
Germany,
Russia
and
England,
1803–1865,
trans, and ed. David Cairns, London, Cardinal, 1990.

On 6 June 1822, at an army station in Michigan, an 18-year-old French Canadian, Alexis St Martin, was accidentally shot at close range. A US army surgeon, William Beaumont (1785–1853), who was called to the scene, describes the wound:

The charge, consisting of powder and duck shot, was received in the left side of the youth, he being at a distance of not more than one yard from the muzzle of the gun. The contents entered posteriorly, and in an oblique direction, forward and inward, literally blowing off
integuments
and muscles of the size of a man’s hand, fracturing and carrying away the anterior half of the sixth rib, fracturing the fifth, lacerating the lower portion of the left lobe of the lungs, the diaphragm, and perforating the stomach.

The whole mass of materials forced from the musket, together with fragments of clothing and pieces of fractured ribs, were driven into the muscles and cavity of the chest.

I saw him in twenty-five or thirty minutes after the accident occurred, and, on examination, found a portion of the lung, as large as a Turkey’s egg, protruding through the external wound, lacerated and burnt; and immediately below this, another protrusion, which, on further examination, proved to be a portion of the stomach, lacerated through all its coats, and pouring out the food he had taken for his breakfast, through an orifice large enough to admit the fore finger.

In attempting to return the protruded portion of the lung, I was prevented by a sharp point of the fractured rib, over which it had caught by its membranes; but by raising it with my finger, and clipping off the point of the rib, I was able to return it into its proper cavity, though it could not be retained there, on account of the incessant efforts to cough.

The projecting portion of the stomach was nearly as large as that of the lung. It passed through the lacerated diaphragm and external
wound, mingling the food with the bloody mucus blown from the lungs.

Beaumont cleaned and dressed the wounds, after ‘replacing the stomach and lungs as far as practicable’, but he did not expect his patient to live. St Martin, however, was a tough young man, and he pulled through. At first he could not retain any food in his stomach, because of the hole in it, but, Beaumont reports, ‘firm dressings were applied and the contents of the stomach retained’.

Despite all Beaumont’s efforts, the hole in St Martin’s stomach would not heal completely. But gradually ‘a small fold or doubling of the coats of the stomach’ grew over and filled the aperture, forming a kind of valve which could be opened by hand. Beaumont, who nursed, fed and clothed St Martin for the first two years of his recovery, realized that he had at his disposal a walking laboratory for the experimental study of human digestion. He could place foodstuffs directly into St Martin’s stomach through the hole, and remove them at intervals to observe how much had been digested. As he later acknowledged:

I had opportunities for the examination of the interior of the stomach, and its secretions, which has never before been so fully offered to any one. This most important organ, its secretions and its operations, have been submitted to my observation in a very extraordinary manner, in a state of perfect health, and for years in succession.

The first experiment was carried out on 1 August, 1825:

At 12 o’clock I introduced through the perforation, into the stomach, the following articles of diet, suspended by a silk string, and fastened at proper distances, so as to pass in without pain – viz.: – a piece of high seasoned
a
la
mode
beef;
a piece of
raw,
salted,
fat
pork;
a piece of
raw,
salted,
lean
beef;
a piece of
boiled,
salted
beef;
a piece of
stale
bread;
and a bunch of
raw,
sliced
cabbage;
each piece weighing about two drachms; the lad continuing his usual employment about the house.

At 1 o’clock, p.m., withdrew and examined them – found the
cabbage
and
bread
about half digested: the pieces of
meat
unchanged. Returned them into the stomach.

At 2 o’clock, p.m., withdrew them again – found the
cabbage,
bread,
pork,
and
boiled
beef,
all cleanly digested, and gone from the
string; the other pieces of meat but very little affected. Returned them into the stomach again.

Over the next eight years Beaumont performed hundreds of similar experiments, gathering a vast amount of precise information about the speed or difficulty with which the stomach digests different types of food. He also established by direct observation the harmful effects of mental disturbance on digestion. During this whole period St Martin led an active, vigorous life, married and fathered four children, and became a sergeant in the US army. His comrades joked about ‘the man with a lid on his stomach’. However, he was able to make considerable sums by touring and showing his internal organs to interested doctors.

Besides watching food in St Martin’s stomach, Beaumont was able to extract gastric juice from it through a tube:

The usual method of extracting the gastric juice, for experiment, is by placing the subject on his right side, depressing the valve within the aperture, introducing a gum-elastic tube, of the size of a large quill, five or six inches into the stomach, and then turning him on the left side, until the orifice becomes dependent. In health, and when free from food, the stomach is
usually
entirely empty, and contracted upon itself. On introducing the tube, the fluid soon begins to flow, first by drops, then in an interrupted, and sometimes in a short continuous stream. Moving the tube about, up and down, or backwards and forwards, increases the discharge. The quantity of fluid ordinarily obtained is from four drachms to one and a half or two ounces, varying with the circumstances and condition of the stomach. Its extraction is generally attended by that peculiar sensation at the pit of the stomach, termed sinking, with some degree of faintness, which renders it necessary to stop the operation. The usual time of extracting the juice is early in the morning, before he has eaten, when the stomach is empty and clean.

Obtaining gastric juice in this manner, Beaumont was able to answer a question that had puzzled medical science – namely, how the stomach digests. Previous accounts had suggested that the stomach worked like a fermenting vat or a mill or a cooking vessel. Beaumont showed that gastric juice, placed in a glass vessel, would dissolve foodstuffs at just the same rate and in just the same way as they were dissolved inside St Martin’s stomach. He deduced that gastric juice was a chemical agent, and he rightly identified its important acid component as hydrochloric (which he calls ‘muriatic’):

I think I am warranted, from the result of all the experiments, in saying, that the gastric juice, so far from being ‘inert as water,’ as some authors assert, is the most general solvent in nature, of alimentary matter – even the hardest bone cannot withstand its action. It is capable,
even
out
of
the
stomach,
of effecting perfect digestion, with the aid of due and uniform degrees of heat (100° Fahrenheit), and gentle agitation … We must, I think, regard this fluid as a chemical agent, and its operation as a chemical action. It is certainly every way analogous to it; and I can see no more objection to accounting for the change effected on the food, on the supposition of a chemical process, than I do in accounting for the various and diversified modifications of matter, which are operated on in the same way. The decay of the dead body is a chemical operation, separating it into its elementary principles – and why not the solution of aliment in the stomach …

Pure gastric juice, when taken directly out of the stomach of a healthy adult, unmixed with any other fluid, save a portion of the mucus of the stomach, with which it is most commonly, and perhaps always combined, is a clear, transparent fluid; inodorous; a little saltish; and very perceptibly acid. Its taste, when applied to the tongue, is similar to thin mucilaginous water, slightly acidulated with muriatic acid. It is readily diffusible in water, wine or spirits; slightly effervesces with alkalis; and is an effectual solvent of the
materia
alimentaria
[food]. It possesses the property of coagulating albumen, in an eminent degree; is powerfully antiseptic, checking the putrefaction of meat; and effectually restorative of healthy action, when applied to old, fœtid sores, and foul, ulcerating surfaces.

Beaumont’s publication of his findings in 1833 made him famous throughout the medical world.

Source: William Beaumont,
Experiments
and
Observations
on
the
Gastric
Juice
and
the
Physiology
of Digestion
,
Burlington, Chauncey Goodrich, 1833.

Geology revolutionized thought and feeling in the early nineteenth century. Its effects spread far beyond the scientific community, destroying established truths, and forcing ordinary men and women to realize that they, and everything they thought of as time and history, were a mere blip in the unimaginable millions of years of the earth's existence. Faced with these mind-blanking immensities, many found their religious faith ebbing away. Orthodox, Bible-based estimates of the earth's age, such as that of Archbishop Ussher (who fixed the date of the creation of the world as 23 October 4004
BC
), now seemed ridiculously inadequate. ‘If only the Geologists would let me alone, I could do very well,' lamented John Ruskin in 1851, ‘but those dreadful Hammers! I hear the clink of them at the end of every cadence of the Bible verses.'

The manifesto of the new science was Charles Lyell's
Principles
of
Geology
(1830–3). What this book set out to shatter was the assumption that the earth – its oceans, land masses, and geological strata – had remained much the same since the Creation, or since an age of vast volcanic upheavals which, it was imagined, had taken place very early in its history. Lyell argued that, on the contrary, the surface of the earth is continuously changing. The agents that have changed it in the past are still active today though since they work very slowly we tend to overlook them. They are essentially two – water (rivers, tides, etc.) and subterranean fire (causing earthquakes and volcanoes). They work in opposite ways – water wearing down, and subterranean fire elevating the earth's surface:

We know that one earthquake may raise the coast of Chile for a hundred miles to an average height of about five feet. A repetition of two thousand shocks of equal violence might produce a mountain chain one hundred miles long and ten thousand feet high. Now should … one of these conclusions happen in a century, it would be consistent with the order of events experienced by the Chileans from the earliest times.

On this reckoning 200,000 years – a brief period in geological time – could produce a mountain range where flat land, or sea, had been before. It is this agency, Lyell argued, that has created the continents:

There is scarcely any land hitherto examined in Europe, North Asia, or North America, which has not been raised from the bosom of the deep, since the origins of the carboniferous rocks … If we were to submerge again all the marine strata [i.e. rock layers containing underwater remains], from the transition limestone to the most recent shelly beds, the summits of some primary mountains would alone remain above the waters.

Great as such a change might seem to us it is, Lyell points out, quite normal in geological terms.

However constant we believe the relative proportion of sea and land to continue, we know that there is annually some small variation in their respective geographical positions, and that in every century the land is in some parts raised, and in others depressed by earthquakes, and so likewise is the bed of the sea. By these and other ceaseless changes, the configuration of the earth's surface has been remodelled again and again since it was the habitation of organic beings, and the bed of the ocean has been lifted up to the height of some of the loftiest mountains. The imagination is apt to take alarm, when called upon to admit the formation of such irregularities of the crust of the earth, after it had become the habitation of living creatures; but if time be allowed, the operation need not subvert the ordinary repose of nature, and the result is insignificant, if we consider how slightly the highest mountain chains cause our globe to differ from a perfect sphere. Chimborazo [a mountain in Ecuador], although it rises to more than 21,000 feet above the surface of the sea, would only be represented on an artificial globe, of about six feet in diameter, by a grain of sand less than one-twentieth of an inch in thickness. The superficial inequalities of the earth, then, may be deemed minute in quantity, and their distribution at any particular epoch must be regarded in geology as temporary peculiarities.

Rivers, carrying and depositing silt, are also, Lyell points out, working perpetually to change the configuration of land and sea, sometimes at an astonishing rate.

One of the most extraordinary statements is that of Major Rennell, in his excellent paper on the Delta of the Ganges. ‘A glass of water', he says, ‘taken out of the river when at its height, yields about one part in four of mud. No wonder, then, that the subsiding waters should quickly form a stratum of earth, or that the delta should encroach on the sea!' The same hydrographer computed with much care the number of cubic feet of water discharged by the Ganges into the sea, and estimated the mean quantity through the whole year to be eighty thousand cubic feet in a second. When the river is most swollen, and its velocity much accelerated, the quantity is four hundred and five thousand cubic feet in a second… We are somewhat staggered by the results to which we must arrive if we compare the proportion of mud, as given by Rennell, with his computation of the quantity of water discharged, which latter is probably very correct. If it were true that the Ganges, in the flood season, contained one part in four of mud, we should then be obliged to suppose that there passes down, every four days, a quantity of mud equal in volume to the water which is discharged in the course of twenty-four hours. If the mud be assumed to be equal to one-half the specific gravity of granite (it would, however, be more), the weight of matter
daily
carried down in the flood season, would be about equal to seventy-four times the weight of the Great Pyramid of Egypt. Even if it could be proved that the turbid waters of the Ganges contain one part
in
a
hundred
of mud, which is affirmed to be the case in regard to the Rhine, we should be brought to the extraordinary conclusion that there passes down, in every two days, into the Bay of Bengal, a mass about equal in weight and bulk to the Great Pyramid … We may confidently affirm that when the aggregate amount of solid matter transported by rivers in a given number of centuries from a large continent, shall be reduced to arithmetical computation, the result will appear most astonishing to those who are not in the habit of reflecting how many of the mightiest operations in nature are effected insensibly, without noise or disorder.

In later editions of the
Principles
Lyell modified his estimate of mud in the Ganges – but this did not affect his main argument.

Since we normally see only what is happening on the surface of the earth, we are, he stresses, badly placed as geological observers. We do not see new strata – such as Ganges mud – being laid down on the ocean floor. Nor can our eyes penetrate to the subterranean rivers and reservoirs of liquid rock far
beneath the earth's surface. Hence we tend to assume that rocks such as granite are older than the ‘sedimentary' rocks, composed of underwater deposits, and belong to some ‘primeval' state of nature. Lyell's argument, however, is that granite, and other ‘primeval' rocks, are constantly being formed out of sedimentary rocks by subterranean fire, and if we lived in the depths of the earth we should assume that they were the new rocks and the sedimentary ones the old.

If we may be allowed so far to indulge the imagination, as to suppose a being entirely confined to the nether world – some ‘dusky melancholy sprite', like Umbriel [a gnome in Alexander Pope's poem
The
Rape
of
the
Lock
],
who could ‘flit on sooty pinions to the central earth', but who was never permitted to ‘sully the fair face of light' and emerge into the regions of water and air; and if this being should busy himself in investigating the structure of the globe, he might frame theories the exact converse of those adopted by human philosophers. He might infer that the stratified rocks, containing shells and other organic remains, were the oldest of created things, belonging to some original and nascent state of the planet. ‘Of these masses', he might say, ‘whether they consist of loose, incoherent sand, soft clay, or solid rock, none have been formed in modern times. Every year some parts of them are broken and shattered by earthquakes, or melted up by volcanic fire; and when they cool down slowly from a state of fusion, they assume a crystalline form perfectly distinct from those
inexplicable
rocks which are so regularly bedded, and contain stones full of curious impressions and fantastic markings. This process cannot have been carried on for an indefinite time, for in that case all the stratified rocks would ere this have been fused and crystallised. It is therefore probable that the whole planet once consisted of these
curiously-bedded
formations, at a time when the volcanic fire had not yet been brought into activity. Since that period there seems to have been a gradual development of heat, and this augmentation we may expect to continue till the whole globe shall be in a state of fluidity and incandescence.'

Such might be the system of the Gnome at the very same time that the followers of Leibnitz [1646–1716, a German philosopher], reasoning on what they saw on the outer surface, would be teaching the doctrine of gradual refrigeration, and averring that the earth had begun its career as a fiery comet, and would hereafter become an icy
mass … Man observes the annual decomposition of crystalline and igneous rocks, and may sometimes see their conversion into stratified deposits; but he cannot witness the reconversion of the sedimentary into the crystalline by subterranean fire. He is in the habit of regarding all the sedimentary rocks as more recent than the unstratified, for the same reason that we may suppose him to fall into the opposite error if he saw the origin of the igneous class only.

Of the many instances Lyell gives of the immense periods of time needful for geological processes, none is more striking than his comment on the rocks known as marls, which were produced as sediments on the floors of freshwater lakes during the Eocene period (which extended from about 54 million to about 38 million years ago).

The entire thickness of these marls is unknown, but it certainly exceeds, in some places, 700 feet. They are for the most part either light-green or white, and usually calcareous. They are thinly foliated, a character which frequently arises from the innumerable thin plates or scales of that small animal called
cypris
,
a genus which comprises several species, of which some are recent, and may be seen swimming rapidly through the waters of our stagnant pools and ditches. This animal resides within two small valves like those of a bivalve shell, and it moults its integuments annually … Countless myriads of the shells of
cypris
were shed in the Eocene lakes, so as to give rise to divisions in the marl as thin as paper, and that too in stratified masses several hundred feet thick. A more convincing proof … of the slow and gradual process by which the lake was filled up with fine mud cannot be desired.

But the most dramatic implications of Lyell's theory relate to the future not the past. The perpetual interchange of sea and land on the earth's surface must, he predicts, go on, since the agents that caused it are still in operation. The northern hemisphere was once a vast ocean, dotted with islands, like the archipelagoes of the South Pacific, and it will return to this state again.

The existence of enormous seas of fresh water, such as the North American lakes, the largest of which is elevated more than six hundred feet above the level of the ocean, and is in parts twelve hundred feet deep, is alone sufficient to assure us, that the time will come, however
distant, when a deluge will lay waste a considerable part of the American continent … Notwithstanding, therefore, that we have not witnessed within the last three thousand years the devastation by deluge of a large continent, yet, as we may predict the future occurrence of such catastrophes, we are authorized to regard them as part of the present order of Nature.

Redistribution of the land masses will, Lyell points out, cause radical changes in climate. Ages of intense heat and cold will succeed each other in the future, as they have in the past – the summers and winters of the geological ‘great year'. As the climate of our hemisphere changes, so will its vegetation, and the animal life it supports.

Then might those genera of animals return, of which the memorials are preserved in the ancient rocks of our continents. The huge iguanodon might reappear in the woods, and the icthyosaur in the sea, while the pterodactyl might flit again through umbrageous groves of tree ferns. Coral reefs might be prolonged beyond the arctic circle, where the whale and the narwal now abound. Turtles might deposit eggs in the sand of the sea beach, where now the walrus sleeps, and where the seal is drifted on the ice-floe.

When the poet Alfred Tennyson read Lyell's
Principles
,
he felt, like many Victorians, dismay. Lyell's demonstration of the temporariness of the familiar world shocked him. In his great poem
In
Memoriam
,
the classic expression of Victorian angst, he keeps Lyell's book in mind. Simple geological observation had allowed Lyell to assert that:

Millions of our race are now supported by lands situated where deep seas once prevailed in earlier ages. In many districts not yet occupied by man, land animals and forests now abound where the anchor once sank into the oozy bottom.

In Tennyson, this becomes:

There rolls the deep where grew the tree.

         O earth, what changes hast thou seen!

         There where the long street roars, hath been

The stillness of the central sea.

The hills are shadows, and they flow

         From form to form, and nothing stands;

         They melt like mist, the solid lands,

Like clouds they shape themselves and go.

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