The Rock (41 page)

The earliest Arabic name for Jerusalem is
Madinat Bayt al-Maqdis
(or
al-Muqaddas)
, which I have translated as “the City of the Temple.” But it could just as well be “the City of the Holy House.”
Bayt al-Maqdis
derives from the Hebrew for the Temple,
Bet ha-miqdash
. Today’s Arabic name for Jerusalem,
al-Quds
, is a later derivation from
Bayt al-Maqdis
. Not until the end of the seventh century was the Temple area singled out from the rest of Jerusalem by the phrase
al-Haram al-Sharif
, the Noble Sanctuary. The narrator’s reference to the Temple Mount as the place of David’s repentance is based upon the Quran 38:15–24, which records that David sought the forgiveness of God by bowing and throwing himself to the ground on this site.

The best general account of Ka’b is in EI2. See also Israel Wolfensohn’s dissertation
Ka’b al-Ahbar und seine Stellung im Hadit und der Islamischen Legendenliteratur
(J. W. Goethe University, 1933). The traditions of the origins of the Jews of the Yemen cited by my narrator, Ishaq, are in Reuben Ahroni’s
Yemenite Jewry: Origins, Culture, and Literature
(Indiana University Press, 1968). Jeremiah’s prophecy of doom that prompted the departure of the Jews is found in Jeremiah 38:2: “He who remains in this city shall die by the sword, by the famine, and by pestilence; but he who goes forth to the Chaldeans shall live.” Baladhuri’s view of the origin of the Jews of Arabia, in his ninth-century
Kitab Futuh al-Buldan
(Leiden, 1968), is that they settled there after the destruction of Bayt al-Maqdis by Nebuchadnezzar. The expression “the most Jewish and the most Arab of all Jews” was coined by S. D. Goitein, the scholar of medieval Jewry, as quoted in
A Mediterranean Society
, vol. 5,
The Individual
(University of California Press, 1988).

The description of the city of Jerusalem given in this and later chapters relies on Oleg Grabar’s
The Shape of the Holy; Early Islamic Jerusalem
(Princeton University Press, 1996) and John Wilkinson’s work based on pilgrim accounts,
Jerusalem Pilgrims Before the Crusades
(Warminster, Wilts.: Aris & Phillips, 1977). It also conforms with the
most important source for the early-seventh-century city, the mosaic Madaba map in Jordan (excluding the Temple Mount area, which is hardly in evidence on the map). Throughout his narration, Ishaq uses “Mount Zion” interchangeably with “Mount Moriah” because that was Jewish tradition. See Jon Levenson’s
Sinai and Zion: An Entry into the Jewish Bible
(HarperCollins, 1985). Today’s Mount Zion is a different mountain altogether, to the west of Moriah.

We know nothing about what the rock looked like at the time of the Muslim conquest. The Muslim sources belong to a much later period and will be cited in relation to what Umar and Ka’b found on the site when they first arrived. Clearly, a much larger part of the rock was visible than can be seen today inside the Dome, as can be surmised from what B. Bagatti saw when the pavement surrounding the rock was removed for repair work in 1959. In different parts of the text, I have borrowed from B. Bagatti’s description in his
Récherché sur le site du Temple de Jerusalem, I—VII siècle
(Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press, 1979).

Stories about the cave beneath the rock are found in local Jewish and Muslim folklore. Zev Vilnay’s collection,
Legends of Jerusalem
(Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1973), contains many of them. A Muslim tale not found in Vilnay concerns the question of why the rock, which used to hover above its mountain, no longer does so. “One day,” goes the tale, “a pregnant woman walked underneath the Rock. As soon as she reached the center of the Rock suspended above her head, she became afraid and dropped her child. So there grew around her this construction until she was safely concealed from the eyes of people.” From
Al-’Uns al-Jaleel bi Ta’rikh al-Quds wa al-Khalil
, as collected in A. S. Marmarji’s compilation of Arabic texts on Jerusalem,
Buldaniyah Filastin al-’Arabiyah
(Beirut, 1948). Rabbi Binyamin Lilienthal, who visited the Holy Land in 1847, had a different explanation of the origin of the walls supporting the floating Foundation Stone of Jewish tradition. He thinks Jerusalem’s Turkish rulers built the walls that reach up to the Foundation Stone, which is not fastened but “is suspended above the floor.” The Turks did this because “when the stone falls, it will be the sign that the Messiah comes. Therefore they have built a base and a support … to prevent the advent of the Messiah of Israel” (Vilnay,
Legends)
.

The treasures of Solomon’s Temple are thought to have been hidden inside an underground cave located beneath the cave. Local Palestinians call it
bir al-arwah
, “the well of souls.” In 1911, during archaeological
excavations in the City of David, at the edge of Mount Moriah, a rumor spread that English excavators had penetrated the sealed cave at night, through hidden labyrinths, and made off with the treasures. The rumor caused days of apprehension and disturbances in Jerusalem. No treasure was found.

The image of mountains as signs of God is adapted from a passage by the eleventh-century Muslim scholar al-Ghazzali, which I have since lost. The verse “We shall show them Our signs in the horizons and in themselves” is from the Quran 41:53.

The tradition of a midwife naming a child as she cuts the umbilical cord is an old Turkish custom recorded by Yahya ibn Sharaf al-Nawawi in
Kitab al-adhkar
(Cairo, 1894). For Ishaq’s general discourse on the importance of names I have borrowed from Annemarie Schimmel’s
Islamic Names
(Edinburgh University Press, 1989). Reference to the rock as a stumbling stone can be found in Isaiah 8:14. The phrase “Rock of Ages” is used in the hymn “Jesus: His Cross and His Passion,” composed in 1776 by A. M. Toplady. The idea of a name as proof of excellence is based on the Arabic proverb, “A multitude of names proves the excellence of their bearer.” The Quran addresses the importance of names in 49:12, “An evil name is ungodliness after belief.” Names are either enveloped by a taboo or carry
baraka
, the power of blessing. The argument concerning the relationship between the name of a thing and its essence is adapted from al-Ghazzali’s treatise on the ninety-nine names of God,
Fi Sharh Asma’ Allah al-Husna
, translated into English by D. Burrell and N. Daher as
The Ninety-Nine Beautiful Names of God
(Cambridge: The Islamic Texts Society, 1995).

“There was no heaven, no earth, no height, no depth, no name” is the opening line of “The Babylonian Poem of Creation.” See N. K. Sanders,
Poems of Heaven and Hell from Ancient Mesopotamia
(Penguin Classics, 1971). In this Creation story, which dates to the second millennium B.C.E., Babylon, Jerusalem’s nemesis, is the fulcrum of the cosmos. The city is named “The House of Foundation Between Heaven and Earth,” an idea later associated with Jerusalem and implied in the story of David and Ahithophel told in “The Fundaments of the Universe.” The position of God on His throne upon the water during Creation is mentioned in the Quran 11:7. Tabari cites traditions he attributes to Ibn ’Abbas (who may have been Ka’b’s student), which contend that God was seated on His throne above the heavenly waters before Creation and
that the first thing He created was the pen. The idea of the Rock as originating as a jewel underneath God’s throne is in
The Zohar;
see Vilnay,
Legends
. The words Ka’b attributes to wisdom and the idea that it was by wisdom that God founded the earth are from Proverbs 8:22–27 and 3:19. James L. Kugel, in
The Bible as It Was
(Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1997), argues that Ka’b’s reasoning was commonplace among interpreters of the Bible from the beginning of the Common Era. The idea of a site or sacred structure as the navel of the universe and the focal point of Creation was prevalent in the ancient Middle East; its application to Jerusalem can be found in many midrashic texts, like the third-century Midrash Tanhuma with which Ka’b concludes the “Rock of Foundation.” See Mircea Eliade’s
The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion
(Harcourt Brace, 1987). Luis Stadelmann discusses the Hebrew notion of the center of the world in
The Hebrew Conception of the World: A Philological and Literary Study
(Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1970).

The description of the rock in Solomon’s Temple is based on those descriptions given in the Talmud and repeated by rabbinic commentators from the second century onward. See Thomas Chaplin, “The Stone of Foundation and the Site of the Temple,” in
Palestine Exploration Fund, Quarterly Statement
(London, 1876). Ancient Yemenite Jewish marriage practices are discussed by Ahroni, who notes that these continued well into modern times. The descriptions of life in the Yemen, in particular the scourge of locusts, are adapted from those recorded by Ahroni following interviews he made with Yemeni Jews arriving in Israel in the late 1960s. The reasons for Ka’b’s departure from the Yemen at a very advanced age (by one accounting he would have been eighty-two years old upon arriving in Medina) are not known.

The verses cited in the recounting of the Dhu Nuwas story are from the Quran 85:4–9. The description of the Dhu Nuwas massacre is from one of the earliest Arabic sources, Ibn Ishaq’s
Sirat Rasul Allah
, an eighth-century biography of the Prophet, edited by Ibn Hisham and translated by A. Guillaume under the title
The Life of Muhammad
(Oxford University Press, 1955). I shall henceforth refer to this book as Ibn Ishaq’s
Life
. The massacre is confirmed in Christian sources, although there are no Jewish accounts. Dhu Nuwas’s death is recorded in Tabari, vol. 5,
The Sasanids, the Byzantines, the Lakhmids, and Yemen
. The saying “If you fatten your dog, he will eat you” is attributed
to the Meccan Abdallah ibn Ubayy, who was insulting the Prophet shortly after the
hijra
, the Prophet’s forced emigration from Mecca to Medina in September 622. It is cited in Nabia Abbott,
Aishah: The Beloved of Mohammed
(London: Saqi, 1985). Early Muslim adoption of Jewish practices, such as praying toward Jerusalem and keeping the Day of Atonement, are discussed by W. Montgomery Watt in his
Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman
(Oxford University Press, 1974). The Christian Church historian Sozomen, writing in the fourth century, was already well aware of how closely Arab religious practices resembled those of the Jews; see F. E. Peters,
Mecca: A Literary History of the Holy Land
(Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1994).

Ka’b’s tale of the false messiah leading followers over a cliff is based on an incident that occurred in Crete at the end of the fifth century, as presented by Jacob Marcus in
The Jew in the Medieval World, A Source Book: 315–1791
(Meridian Books, 1960). Ezra’s curse on Yemeni Jews was recorded by the Yemenite Rabbi Schelomo ’Adani in his sixteenth-century work,
Maelecket Schelomo
. The passage concerning Jabbar and Antar is adapted from Steven M. Wasserstrom’s
Between Muslim and Jew: The Problem of Symbiosis under Early Islam
(Princeton University Press, 1993). The envoy sent by Muhammad to the Yemen was Ali ibn Abi Talib. The ninth-century chronicler al-Waqidi records an encounter between him and Ka’b that led to the latter’s conversion; see
Kitab al-Maghazi
(Oxford University Press, 1966).

Abraham’s distrust of the Arabs, the sons of Ishmael, are in part based on a Geniza letter written about the arrival of Bedouins in Jerusalem; see Goitein,
A Mediterranean Society
, vol. 5. More fundamentally, however, Ishmael’s outcast nature is based on Genesis 16, which has an angel of God saying to Hagar of her son: “A wild donkey of a man he will be, his hand against every hand, and every man’s hand against him, living his life in defiance of all his kinsmen.” At the same time, the angel predicts that the descendants of Ishmael will be “too numerous to be counted.” Isaiah 21:7 tells of the prophet’s vision of deliverance. The passage from Isaiah was interpreted as Ka’b has interpreted it in a Jewish apocalyptic work of the mid-eighth century, the “Secrets of Rabbi Simon ben Yohay,” which preserves a messianic interpretation of the Arab conquest. Bernard Lewis discusses this work in “An Apocalyptic Vision of Islamic History,”
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies
13:2 (1950), pp. 308–338. Under “Elijah,” the
Jewish Encyclopedia
notes the prophet’s habit of dressing as an Arab and offers a midrashic tale by way of illustration. I am indebted to Patricia
Crone and Michael Cook’s thought-provoking discussion of the phenomenon of Jews accepting the credentials of an Arabian prophet in
Hagarism: The Making of the Islamic World
(Cambridge University Press, 1977); the figure of Abraham was suggested by an early-seventh-century Greek tract cited at the outset of their book in which a certain Abraham asks an old man: “ ‘What is your view, master and teacher, of the prophet who has appeared among the Saracens?’ He replied, groaning mightily: ‘He is an impostor. Do the prophets come with sword and chariot?’ ” The verses on the stone in Zion come from Isaiah 28:16; the allusion is to the Messiah, argues Kemper Fullerton in “The Stone of Foundation,” in
The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures
37:1 (October, 1920), pp. 1–50. Abraham’s reaction to Ka’b, it seems to me, would have been typical of the majority of Arab Jews in southern and central Arabia. Muhammad, however, was shocked to be received this way, and his bitter disappointment with the Jews of Medina in the second year of the
hijra
is suggested in the Quran; see verse 2:95, cited in the following chapter.

The phrases “on a night that like sea swarming had dropped its curtain” and “as bare as an ass’s belly” come from the
Mu’allaqa
of the sixth-century pre-Islamic Arab poet Imru’ al-Qays. See the translation in Robert Irwin’s
Night and Horses and the Desert: An Anthology of Classical Arabic Literature
(Penguin Press, 1999). That some Jews acknowledged Muhammad as a prophet and still retained their Judaism is discussed by Norman Stillman in
The Jews of Arab Lands: A History and Source Book
(Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1979) and by Wasserstrom. Ka’b’s romanticization of the Bedouin way of life was to become a pronounced feature of life under the Umayyads, as observed by Ishaq in his later dealings with Abd al-Malik. Maysun, the wife of Mu’awiya and mother of Yazid, for instance, hated her courtly life in Damascus. Of her husband, the caliph Mu’awiya, she composed these lines: “The crust I eat beside my tent is more than any fine bread to me; And more than any lubbard tub of fat, I love a lean Bedouin cavalier.” Translated by R. A. Nicholson,
A Literary History of the Arabs
(Cambridge University Press, 1953).