To Kill a President (44 page)

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Authors: By Marc james

BOOK: To Kill a President
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There were two doctors that had been sitting in the ambulance plus a driver.  One of the doctors had a look at the cut on Clint’s forehead and cleaned it before stitching it up.  Faraday was wheeled from the exit of the hospital by the doctor that had treated him and two nurses from the ward.  The doctor from the hospital had a quick chat with the doctors that would be travelling to Washington about Faraday’s condition.  Clint, Jane and Nancy took their seats inside the ambulance.

It was a strange looking vehicle, it was almost like a limousine ambulance.  As you opened the driver’s door there was space for the driver and two passengers.  Behind that was a row of three more seats, this is where Clint, Nancy and Jane sat.  Behind these seats were two more seats that faced in the opposite direction.  These seats were for the doctors so that they could keep an eye on Faraday.  They looked onto a large space that on one side had metal drawers that were full of medical equipment and on the other had space for Faraday’s bed.

Once the doctors had finished conferring about Faraday’s condition his bed was loaded into the ambulance and the doctors took their seats in the back.  The driver introduced himself as Sandy and then started the engine. 

They then began the long journey to Washington.  The only sound in the ambulance was coming from the radio, they were reporting on JFK’s funeral.

 

 

 

Chapter 93

As Bobby lay on his uncomfortable bed he stared at the drab gray ceiling.  It had been hours since Lansky had visited.  He had been left alone since then with only his thoughts for company.  Why weren’t they questioning him?  He had been stuck here for well over twenty four hours and he hadn’t been questioned once. 

He had had an arraignment and had been charged with two murders and an attempted murder but other than that no one had said a word to him.  Surely they had someone available to interrogate him.

His cell door was opened and the same officer that had led him to meet Lansky was standing there.

“Come on.”  The man said.

“Someone’s finally going to question me?”

“No you are off to see the judge again.”

“Why?”  Bobby asked genuinely confused.

“You’ll find out.”  The man said with a smile.

Bobby got to his feet and began following the officer.  “Am I going to be given a change of clothes?  I’ve been wearing these since Friday.”

“I’ll see what I can do.”  The officer replied.  He led Bobby back along to the courtroom.  He was faced once again with Judge Johnson.

“Hello again Mr Stinson.”  The judge said.

“Hello.” 

“Do you know why you are here?”

“No.”

“Okay.  I am charging you with the murder of Billy Beane.”

Bobby’s jaw dropped.  What else was going to be pinned on him?  This was insane!

“I am also charging you with the attempted murder of Gerry Hemming.”

“What?  When am I supposed to have done these things?”

“I would think that you should know that better than anyone Mr Stinson.”

“Well no I don’t, I haven’t even been questioned yet?”

“You will be questioned tomorrow, the person heading up the investigation is currently attending the funeral of President Kennedy.”

“Who is heading up the investigation?”

“J Edgar Hoover has taken a special interest in your case.  So how do you plead to the two charges?”

“Not guilty.”  Bobby replied.

“Very well, you may return to your cell.”

Bobby was walked back along the corridor to his small grey cell.  He was locked in once more.  A few minutes later the officer came back with an orange jumpsuit. 

“Thanks.”  Bobby said.  The officer stood and watched as Bobby undressed and put on his jumpsuit.  “I don’t think it’s my colour.” he joked.

“Well get used to it.”  The man replied in a serious tone.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Chapter 94

They had been on the road for a few hours, for the majority of the journey they had sat in silence listening to the funeral of John F Kennedy.  As Nancy looked at Clint she could see that he was struggling with being unable to attend the funeral.  She too was struggling, she couldn’t escape the fact that she had murdered the father of her unborn child.  Worse still was the fact that she was going to have his child.  What if the baby turned out like its father.  How would she look at it?  How could she love the child?

Jane had spent the majority of the journey turning back to gaze at Faraday and make sure he was alright.  So far it had been quiet in the back of the ambulance which she took as a good sign.  If they could make it to Washington Faraday would be taken care of by the best doctors that money could buy.  She knew he was strong but they had a long road ahead of them, she would never forgive herself if Faraday didn’t survive this.  She should never have carried on after he had lost his eye.  The only reason he was even stuck in the sixties was because he had tried to save her.  It was all her fault.

Clint sat between Jane and Nancy.  He stared dead ahead listening to the coverage of the President’s funeral.  He felt guilty at being unable to attend and guiltier still that the President had been murdered on his watch.  Clint’s role was to protect Jackie Kennedy which he had done but he knew if the Secret Service hadn’t been out drinking until the early hours of Friday morning the President would never have died.  They had failed him.  He felt as though he was failing Jackie by not being with her during this difficult time.  Her poor children would grow up without their father because of the inadequacy of the Secret Service.

He listened closely to the funeral being broadcast on the radio.  It had been decided that the best way to commemorate President Kennedy would be to show President Kennedy’s ideals and inspiration by quoting his own speeches.  Archbishop Philip Hannan began his eulogy by reading President Kennedy’s favourite passage of scripture from the Book of Ecclesiastes.

“There is an appointed time for everything, and a time for every affair under the heavens.  A time to be born and a time to die.  A time to plant, and a time to uproot the plant.  A time to kill, and a time to heal.  A time to teardown, and a time to build.  A time to weep, and a time to laugh.  A time to mourn, and a time to dance.  A time to scatter stones, and a time to gather them.  A time to embrace, and a time to be far from embraces.  A time to seek, and a time to lose.  A time to keep, and a time to cast away.  A time to rend, and a time to sew.  A time to be silent, and a time to speak.  A time to love, and a time to hate.  A time of war, and a time of peace.”

Clint had been mouthing along with the Archbishop’s words, a single tear now ran down his face.  The Archbishop then read President Kennedy’s inaugural address.  Clint thought back to that night in 1961.

“We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom—symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning—signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

   

  The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe—the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

 

  We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans—born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage—and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

 

  Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

 

  This much we pledge—and more.

 

  To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do—for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

 

  To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom—and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

 

  To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required—not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

 

  To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge—to convert our good words into good deeds—in a new alliance for progress—to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbours know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

 

  To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support—to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective—to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak—and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

 

  Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

 

  We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

 

  But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course—both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

 

  So let us begin anew—remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

 

  Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belabouring those problems which divide us.

 

  Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms—and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

 

  Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

 

  Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah—to "undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free."

 

  And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavour, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

 

  All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

 

  In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

 

  Now the trumpet summons us again—not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are—but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"—a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

 

  Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

 

  In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility—I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavour will light our country and all who serve it—and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

 

  And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country.

 

  My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

 

  Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.”

 

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