1415: Henry V's Year of Glory (91 page)

24.
Allmand,
Henry V
, p. 33.

25.
Wylie,
Henry V
, p. 189.

26.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 33; Allmand,
Henry V
, p. 32.

27.
Harriss, ‘The King and his Magnates’, quoting Kingsford (ed.),
First English Life
, p. 14.

28.
For sorcery at the English court, see H. A. Kelly, ‘English kings and the fear of sorcery’,
Mediaeval Studies
, 39 (1977), 206–38.

29.
PROME
, 1423 October, item 31, entries 107 and 700.

30.
When the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of Winchester, and two of the king’s brothers flattered the mayor of London by giving him the seat of honour in the Guildhall, the prelates were seated on the mayor’s right and the brothers on the mayor’s left. See Riley,
Memorials
, pp. 604–5.

31.
DL 28/1/6 fol. 24r.

32.
Barker,
Agincourt
, p. 45.

33.
Barker,
Agincourt
, p. 45.

34.
This is noted by Waurin, as stated in Jenny Stratford’s article on John in
ODNB
.

35.
This quotation is from G. L. Harriss’s article on Humphrey in
ODNB
.

36.
March witnessed just over half of the royal charters in 1414–16 and, by the reckoning of his own accounts, was in Henry’s company in 1414 (
ODNB
), so was very probably there that day.

37.
Hugh Mortimer, later treasurer of England, had been Henry’s chamberlain when prince of Wales (Pugh,
Southampton Plot
, p. 58). He was sufficiently close to Henry for the king to be the supervisor of his will (
Register of Henry Chichele
, ii, pp. 86–7). He was not related to the main Mortimer family of the earls of March, or any of their collateral branches. He and his brother Thomas were the sons of Thomas and Sarah Mortimer of Helpston, Northants. Hugh held the manor of Great Houghton. His father, Thomas the elder, was the son of Ralph Mortimer and the brother of Joan Sulgrave, who confirmed the manor of Helpston on Hugh and his brother (Northants Record Office F(M) Charter/ 913, 930). The grandfather of Thomas and Hugh, Ralph Mortimer, who was born about 1312, was the son and heir of Ralph Mortimer of Helpston (d. 1325), who was the son of Sir Waleran Mortimer of Exton, Rutland, and Eakley, Bucks (fl. 1295–1317). Sir Waleran was the son of William Mortimer (d. c. 1273) who was in turn the son of Waleran Mortimer, who held part of Eakley in 1242–3 (
Book of Fees
, p. 873). Before that it is not possible to trace the ancestry of this family, but their heraldry shows no connection with the Mortimers of Wigmore.

38.
Given-Wilson,
Royal Household and the King’s Affinity
, p. 60.

39.
Queen Joan had her own household. For a set of her household accounts, dating from 1419–20, see E 101/406/30.

40.
McFarlane,
Lancastrian Kings
, p. 124; Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 223.

41.
Wylie,
Henry V
, p. 7.

42.
Wylie,
Henry V
, pp. 34–5. I mistakenly named him Richard Whytlock, not John, in
Fears
, p. 348.

43.
Wylie,
Henry V
, p. 8.

44.
Powell, ‘Restoration of Law and Order’, p. 63.

45.
John Fox,
Acts and Monuments
(1641), p. 739. See also John A. F. Thomson, ‘Oldcastle, John, Baron Cobham (
d
. 1417)’,
ODNB
.

46.
Fox,
Acts and Monuments
, p. 742; Ruffhead (ed.),
Statutes
, i, p. 493.

47.
Vale,
English Gascony
, p. 69.

48.
Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 124; Vale,
English Gascony
, p. 72. Some guns were sent to Gascony (see entry for 23 January 1415) but when they were shipped is not clear.

49.
Vaughan,
John the Fearless
, pp. 99–102.

50.
On 4 June 1414 Henry authorised his ambassadors to accept the duke of Burgundy’s homage at the same time as negotiating an alliance with him.
Foedera
, ix, pp. 137–8.

51.
Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 423.

52.
Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 477.

53.
Barker,
Agincourt
, p. 92.

54.
Foedera
, ix, p. 159.

55.
Chronica Maiora
, p. 402.

56.
Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 163.

57.
Issues
, p. 336.

58.
Nicolas (ed.),
Privy Council
, ii, pp. 142–4.

59.
PROME
, 1414 November, item 2.

60.
CPR
, p. 292.

61.
HKW
, pp. 998–1000.

62.
Fears
, p. 219; Wylie,
Henry V
, i, pp. 205–8.

63.
Harriss, ‘The King and his Magnates’, esp. pp. 35–9.

64.
Powell, ‘Restoration of Law and Order’, p. 61.

January

1.
See John Russell’s
Boke of Nurture
, in Furnivall,
Babees Book
, p. 182 for the lamp.

2.
Henry V’s inventory (
PROME
, 1423 October, item 31) notes many
Arras tapestries. See entries 757–97 in particular.

3.
This was in the Prince’s Palace at Westminster at the time of his death.
PROME
, 1423 October, item 31, entry 773. The following item is no. 768 in the inventory.

4.
For Henry’s clock in the shape of a
nef
, see
PROME
, 1423 October, item 31, entry 247. In
Fears
, p. 92, I noted that his father had a portable clock – or at least a basket to transport a clock – even though the portable clock is supposed not to have been invented until the invention of the spring mechanism in the 1430s. Further research needs to be done in this area to establish whether these references really do relate to portable mechanical timepieces.

5.
Printed in Furnivall,
Babees Book
, p. 176.

6.
Hutton,
Rise and Fall
, p. 15. This was normally the duty of the king’s chamberlain, Lord Fitzhugh, but he was abroad at this time.

7.
The royal household accounts for the period are not well preserved. Those for 1415 do not survive at all. The statement here is drawn from the accounts of Henry’s father as king, before he was ill, in 1402–3 (E 101/404/23). The amounts spent on the feast for that year, which was held at Windsor Castle, are as follows: Christmas Day £224 18s 5½d; 26th December £76 12s 2d; 27th £81 9s 7d; 28th £81 9s ½d; 29th £64 11s 9d; 30th £67 0s ½d; 31st £87 os 4½d; 1st January £92 8s 10d; 2nd £70 0s ½d; 3rd £68 18s 2½d; 4th £70 9s 2½d; 5th £64 os 4½d; 6th (Epiphany) £89 2s 2d; 7th £72 19s 4½d. After that the sums spent each day sunk back well below the £50 mark.

8.
E 101/406/21 fol. 21r (Thomas More’s wardrobe account for 1413).

9.
Bellaguet (ed.),
Chronique du Religieux
, v, pp. 479–80.

10.
Allmand,
Society at War
, pp. 25–7; Barker,
Agincourt
, p. 179; Wylie,
Henry V
, i. p.138.

11.
Loomis (ed.),
Constance
, p. 189.

12.
Loomis (ed.),
Constance
, p. 87.

13.
Loomis (ed.),
Constance
, pp. 189–90. For a modern scholar’s estimate of how many men were present – 29 cardinals and 600 prelates – see
Chronica Maiora
, p. 400.

14.
Loomis (ed.),
Constance
, pp. 189–90.

15.
Loomis (ed.),
Constance
, p. 476.

16.
Loomis (ed.),
Constance
, p. 98.

17.
Chronica Maiora
, p. 399, note 5 cont. on p. 400.

18.
Fears
, p. 254.

19.
Jacob,
Chichele
, pp. 35–8.

20.
Wylie,
Henry V
, p. 248;
ODNB
(under Oldcastle); Spinka (ed.),
Letters of Jan Hus
, pp. 213–15.

21.
Most writers state that the English embassy arrived as one, either on 21 January (following Jacob Cerretano’s journal) or 31 January (following Richental’s chronicle). It was about five weeks’ travel from Constance back to London in summer (see
ODNB
, under Catterick). In winter it seems to have been more: Warwick took ten weeks, from 11 November to 21 January (E 101/321/27). Sir Walter Hungerford set out on 27 October (according to his expenses, E 101/321/28), two weeks ahead of Warwick. According to his
ODNB
entry, Robert Hallum preached at Constance on 15 January. Thomas Polton’s petition on Henry’s behalf was delivered in December 1414, before any prelates arrived, due to his being a protonotary at the curia; this serves as a reminder that not all the English nation arrived as one (Loomis (ed.),
Constance
, p. 471).

22.
These men had all been present at a meeting of the
great council on 29 December. See Wylie,
Henry V
, i, pp. 436–8. John, count of Alençon, had been created a duke the previous day, 1 January (Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 25).

23.
Vaughan,
John the Fearless
, pp. 193–202; Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 401. The council meeting on 2 January can hardly have failed to discuss the civil war.

24.
CCR
, p. 165;
Foedera
, ix, p. 188.

25.
CCR
, p. 169 (Ireland);
CPR
, p. 288 (man of Calais).

26.
Johnes (ed.),
Monstrelet
, i, p. 320.

27.
Hutton,
Rise and Fall
, p. 16.

28.
PROME
, 1414 April, item 15.

29.
CPR
, p. 294.

30.
See Mark Ormrod, ‘The Rebellion of Archbishop Scrope and the Tradition of Opposition to Royal Taxation’, in Dodd and Biggs,
Reign of Henry IV: Rebellion and Survival
(2008), pp. 162–79.

31.
Fears
, pp. 286–7.

32.
Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 434.

33.
Spinka (ed.),
John Hus at the Council of Constance
, p. 30.

34.
Spinka (ed.),
John Hus at the Council of Constance
, p. 48.

35.
Fox,
Acts and Monuments
, p. 789.

36.
Spinka (ed.),
John Hus at the Council of Constance
, pp. 100, 115.

37.
Spinka (ed.),
John Hus at the Council of Constance
, p. 116.

38.
He was detained from 28 November. For Lord John de Chlum’s petition for him to be released, in line with the emperor’s safe-conduct, see Fox,
Acts and Monuments
, p. 823.

39.
Spinka (ed.),
Letters of John Hus
, p. 148.

40.
E 403/620.

41.
For Henry donating 4s per day in 1413, see Thomas More’s account E 101/406/21 fol. 5r–17r. This was a regular amount, separate from his oblations.

42.
Papal Registers 1404–15
, p. 456.

43.
ODNB
; Pugh,
Henry V
, pp. 61–4. They were knighted on the eve of Henry’s coronation.

44.
Spinka (ed.),
Letters of John Hus
, p. 143.

45.
Spinka (ed.),
Letters of John Hus
, p. 145.

46.
Barker,
Agincourt
, p. 86 states it was already built; Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 383 is less certain.

47.
CPR
, p. 293.

48.
Barker,
Agincourt
, p. 84.

49.
Foedera
, ix, pp. 178–9. Lisle was appointed on 16 November 1414.

50.
Loomis (ed.),
Constance
, p. 481.

51.
Loomis (ed.),
Constance
, p. 104. Note that Richental is inaccurate not only with respect to the identities but also the dates of arrival. He declares the English arrived on 31 January. He also stated they arrived on 7 December and that Warwick was accompanied by ‘two archbishops and seven bishops’ (Loomis (ed.),
Constance
, p. 95). Cerretano’s date is to be preferred.