1415: Henry V's Year of Glory (95 page)

24.
Gesta
, p. 17, n. 3; Jacob,
Chichele
, p. 35.

25.
CPR
, p. 345; Kate Parker, ‘Politics and Patronage in Lynn 1399–1416’, in Dodd and Biggs (eds),
Rebellion and Survival
, pp. 210–27.

26.
Actes Royaux des archives de l’Hérault
…, vol 1 (1980), p. 209.

27.
Warwick had been at Bruges on 1 May (Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 455) and returned to London on 11 May (E 101/321/27). Hungerford returned to London on 10 May (E 101/321/28).

28.
Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 495.

29.
Henry Percy was born on 3 February 1393 (
CP
, ix, p. 715) or 1394 (Wylie,
Henry V
, p. 515, n. 3). Note that Rymer was wrong in placing Percy’s petition for his restoration here under 1415. That document is an exemplification, drawn up on 11 May 1416, of Henry’s decision on the first day of the parliament of 1416 (16 March), in response to Percy’s petition to that parliament. See
Foedera
, ix, pp. 242–3.

30.
Foedera
, ix, p. 244.

31.
Loomis (ed.),
Constance
, pp. 242–4.

32.
Spinka,
John Hus at the Council of Constance
, pp. 123–7.

33.
Nicolas (ed.),
Privy Council
, ii, p. 159. It is not clear why Breton ships were classed along with French and Scottish, as the duke of Brittany had a treaty with Henry, as did the duke of Burgundy, who was lord of Flanders.

34.
CPR
, p. 327.

35.
CPR
, p. 324. It is worth noting that Coventry and Lichfield was still described as
sede vacante
on 8 May. See
Foedera
, ix, p. 256.

36.
CP
, viii, p. 451. He was to take one banneret, three knights, fifty-five men-at-arms and 160 mounted archers.

37.
CPR
, p. 339.

38.
Wylie, i, p. 328; Curry, p.67.

39.
Foedera
, ix, pp. 248–9. The English calendar entry
CPR
, p. 325 is very brief on this matter, and contracted to the point of being misleading.

40.
CPR
, p. 325.

41.
Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 479.

42.
Nicolas,
Agincourt
, p. 346; when the time came to sail, he had thirty-five men-at-arms and 96 archers.

43.
Spinka,
John Hus at the Council of Constance
, p. 130.

44.
All of these payments are from the Issue Roll, E 403/621, under 18 May.

45.
Issues
, p. 341; the description of the tabernacle appears in Nicolas,
Agincourt
, appendix, p. 14.

46.
E 403/621 under 18 May.

47.
E 101/406/21 fols 7r, 19v.

48.
Hutton,
Rise and Fall
, p. 36.

49.
Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 222.

50.
E 403/621 under 20 May.

51.
Nicolas (ed.),
Privy Council
, ii, pp. 162–4.

52.
CPR
, p. 348.

53.
E 403/621 under 18 May.

54.
Nicolas (ed.),
Privy Council
, ii, pp. 165–6.

55.
CPR
, p. 337.

56.
Foedera
, ix, p. 250;
CCR
, p. 212.

57.
SC 8/332/15714 (petition);
CPR
, p. 361 (grant). A close letter was sent to Henry Kays on 1 June ordering him to deliver the patent letter to Thresk. See
CCR
, p. 217.

58.
CPR
, p. 327.

59.
Also on 26 May Henry relaxed the restrictions on the export of smelted tin. In the parliament of November 1414 the mayor of Calais had written petitioning the king to force all wool, hides, lead and tin to be exported via the Staple at Calais, where it was meant to be weighed and exhibited before being traded further. However, they claimed that smelted tin was being exported directly to the Low Countries. Henry had acknowledged their case and prohibited the exportation of all tin, smelted and unsmelted (
PROME
, 1414 November, item 43). Today he
reneged, allowing smelted tin to be exported on payment of the appropriate customs.

60.
For Henry IV’s devotion to the Trinity, see
Fears
, pp. 196–7.

61.
CCR
, p. 218.

62.
Nicolas (ed.),
Privy Council
, ii, pp. 166–7.

63.
Foedera
, ix, pp. 251–2.

64.
Foedera
, ix, pp. 252–3.

65.
This is an inference from the Issue Rolls payment dated 24 April 1415. Pugh (
Henry V and the Southampton Plot
, p. 101) states that he had been released on the 24th but this is simply the date of the warrant to deliver him; it was probably not acted upon the same day. As Henry was not keen to waste money the payment for his upkeep is probably a more reliable indicator.

66.
Nicolas (ed.),
Privy Council
, ii, p. 167. This note has been taken by some historians to mean that Scrope absented himself from the council meeting – for example, Bridgette Vale, in
ODNB
. This is not necessarily the case. The wording suggests only that Scrope had not yet arrived but was expected to arrive soon enough to join in the imminent discussions about relations with the duke of Burgundy. It is therefore evidence that he was late, not that he did not attend.

67.
Nicolas (ed.),
Privy Council
, ii, p. 168.

68.
CPR
, p. 347.

69.
CCR
, p. 214;
Foedera
, ix, p. 253.

70.
CCR
, p. 213.

71.
CPR
, p. 327.

72.
CPR
, p. 330.

73.
CPR
, p. 330.

74.
CCR
, p. 208.

75.
For her marriage to Robert Chalons, see Smith (ed.),
Expeditions
, p. 294. For her acting as a supervisor of the Lancastrian children, see DL 28/1/6 fol. 35r.

76.
He had been at Radolfzell since 17 May.

77.
Loomis (ed.),
Constance
, pp. 246–7.

78.
Loomis (ed.),
Constance
, p. 452, n. 97.

79.
Chronica Maiora
, p. 401.

80.
Given-Wilson (ed.),
Usk
, p. 255.

81.
Spinka,
John Hus at the Council of Constance
, pp. 81, 142n. Hus was removed a few days before 3 June, when John XXIII was taken there.

82.
Foedera
, ix, p. 253. Of the other nine, one was called Fydeler (Fiddler) and the others had names unrelated to musical instruments.

83.
CPR
, pp. 407–8. In each county, one of these men had already contracted to serve on the campaign in person, so there may have been a local recruitment element to this order as well. See Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 67.

84.
CPR
, p. 336.

85.
Hutton,
Rise and Fall
, pp. 58–9.

86.
This is based on Thomas More’s wardrobe book for 1413, E 101/406/21 fol. 7v. Whereas more than £80 was spent on Trinity Sunday 1413, expenses on the following Thursday were just £47. A normal day at this time was between £28 and £31.

87.
CPR
, p. 329.

88.
Wylie,
Henry V
, p. 131. See also
ibid
., pp. 143–5 for the duplicity of Bergerac and other Gascon towns.

89.
Spinka,
Jan Hus at the Council of Constance
, p. 139.

90.
Spinka,
Jan Hus at the Council of Constance
, p. 140.

June

1.
Details of the crown jewels have been taken from Nicolas,
Agincourt
, appendices pp. 13–18, and Wylie,
Henry V
, i, pp. 469–76, referring also to Henry’s
inventory and the image of the crowns in the plate sections of
Fears
. Courtenay probably expected that most items would be redeemed on schedule – by Christmas 1416 or by early 1417 at the latest. Most were not. Many items handed out were still in pawn in 1422, when Henry V died; and although the inventories said that the holders could keep them, the council continued to redeem them. Note that the Pallet of Spain is valued at £200 in Nicolas. As there were so many jewels, this can hardly have been made of anything other than gold; and given its weight, the gold alone should have been worth a considerable proportion of the £200. It is suspected that this assigned value is too low but at this distance in time it is impossible to tell; it might have been broken in some way. Given the similarity with the crown and pallet of Spain described by the earl of Cambridge in his confession, the two have been presumed to be the same.

2.
In Nicolas, the Pallet of Spain is pledged to John Hende. However, according to the earl of Cambridge’s confession, it came to him. See Pugh,
Southampton Plot
, p. 172.

3.
Wylie,
Henry V
, i, pp. 475–6.

4.
As some of the indentures of service made clear, today was the day when the jewels would be assigned. See for example the indenture of Lord Scrope in
Foedera
, ix, p. 230.

5.
CPR
, p. 346.

6.
CCR
, p. 212 (Stone);
CPR
, p. 331 (Hereford).

7.
For the earlier cases, see 22 January and 6 May.

8.
TTGME
, pp. 59, 297. Although Walsingham’s account is probably grossly exaggerated, something does seem to have happened at the time, as a writ was issued to enquire into the misdoings.

9.
CPR
, p. 337.

10.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 79.

11.
Monstrelet
, i, p. 329.

12.
According to Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 50, the embassy left Paris on 4 June. One would expect Archbishop Boisratier to have been at the council meeting on the 3rd if he had not already left Paris – so it seems reasonable to conclude that he had already left the city.

13.
For the route taken, see
Monstrelet
, i, p. 329. For the dates of embarkation, see Bellaguet (ed.),
Chronique du Religieux
, v, p. 513.

14.
CPR
, p. 325.

15.
For his campaign in 1341 Edward III ordered 130,000 sheaves of arrows for 7,700 bows. See Bradbury,
Medieval Archer
, p. 94.

16.
Making and fletching 130,000 sheaves of arrows (excluding making the arrowhead) at 30 mins each arrow would be roughly 1,560,000 man-hours. At 3,000 working hours per man per year, this is 520 man-years – or forty years’ work for all thirteen men.

17.
For the ordinances of 1363, see Bradbury,
Medieval Archer
, p, 93. The original legislation of 1363 had been renewed in the parliaments of 1388 and 1409.

18.
7 Henry IV (1406), cap. vii.

19.
This statement is based on the order of Edward III to gather 130,000 sheaves of arrows, quoted in Bradbury,
Medieval Archer
, p. 94, and mentioned above. As there were twenty-four arrows to a standard sheaf, it equates to 3,120,000 arrows.

20.
The account of the trial is taken from Spinka,
John Hus at the Council of Constance
, pp. 163–7.

21.
Spinka (ed.),
Letters of John Hus
, p. 160, n. 2.

22.
Spinka (ed.),
Letters of John Hus
, pp. 159–60.

23.
Foedera
, ix, p. 260
(warrant); p. 262 (prorogation).

24.
CPR
, pp. 368–9.

25.
CCR
, p. 222;
CPR
, p. 350. These references are methodologically useful in that they reveal the time lapse between a grant and its formal issue. The grant here was specifically made on 5 June; it was drawn up as a close letter on 21 July. It appears on the patent roll dated 5 June, the date of granting. Henry had ratified Dereham’s estate the previous day (
CPR
, p. 331).

26.
CCR
, p. 223 (Northampton);
CPR
, pp. 338 (Hayne), 386 (Green).