1415: Henry V's Year of Glory (98 page)

7.
Pugh,
Southampton Plot
, p. 182.

8.
Pugh,
Southampton Plot
, p. 129.

9.
Pugh,
Southampton Plot
, pp. 182–3.

10.
Pugh,
Southampton Plot
, p. 183.

11.
CCR
, pp. 278–9.

12.
Johnes (ed.),
Monstrelet
, i, p. 331; Waurin, p. 178; Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 80.

13.
Taylor, Roskell (eds),
Gesta
, p. 21.

14.
Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 530.

15.
Walsingham,
Chronica Maiora
, p. 405.

16.
Walsingham,
Chronica Maiora
, p. 406; Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 528.

17.
Pugh,
Southampton Plot
, p. 173.

18.
CPR
, p. 409.

19.
Pugh,
Southampton Plot
, pp. 184–5.

20.
Pugh, ‘The Southampton Plot of 1415’, pp. 67–8, 129.

21.
CCR
, p. 225.

22.
Pugh, ‘The Southampton Plot of 1415’, p. 64.

23.
CPR
, pp. 349–50.

24.
Foedera
, ix, pp. 302–3.

25.
CPR
, p. 360.

26.
CPR
, pp. 328, 361.

27.
CPR
, p. 378.

28.
CPR
, pp. 360; 361–2.

29.
Testamenta Vetusta
, i, pp. 190–1 (West, dated 1 August), 192–3 (Oxford); Nicolas,
Agincourt
, pp. 339–40; 352 (for the retinues).

30.
CPR
, p. 349.

31.
See Archer, Walker (eds),
Rulers and Ruled
, p. 91 for Sir John Mortimer’s comments on March.

32.
CCR
, p. 278.

33.
Foedera
, ix, p. 254. The earlier order had been issued on 28 May.

34.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 76.

35.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, pp. 2–3; Willett, ‘Memoir on British Naval Architecture’,
Archaeologia
, 11, pp. 154–9 at p. 155 for the colour of the sails.

36.
CCR
, p. 208.

37.
CCR
, pp. 210–11, 225;
Foedera
, ix, pp. 304–5; Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 49.

38.
CPR
, p. 352.

39.
CCR
, p. 227; Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 535.

40.
CPR
, p. 349.

41.
Henry acknowledged later that it much troubled him that he had given away the Scrope lands. However, despite this confession, he never took steps to reverse the distribution. Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 537;
PROME
, 1423 October, item 29;
CPR
, p. 361.

42.
CPR
, p. 353.

43.
Gesta
, p. 21; Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 5.

44.
Curry,
Agincourt
, pp. 73, 284. Thirty-five pages accompanied thirty-nine men-at-arms on the return journey.

45.
For Curry’s estimates of the numbers, see Curry,
Agincourt
, pp. 75–7. Curry discounts the pages, and so assumes the total number of men was in the region of 12,000. There is no reason to suppose the earl of Oxford’s retinue was not representative of the whole army; therefore any assessment of the total number of men must include a number of pages more or less equivalent to the number of men-at-arms.

46.
Perfect King
, p. 247.

47.
Gesta
, p. 23; Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 81.

48.
Gesta
, p. 23. Note: ‘Steward’ is spelled ‘Stewart’ herein.

49.
Gesta
, p. 25.

50.
Gesta
, p. 23. There were several ways of reckoning time. The oldest was to divide the daylight into twelve hours, so this could mean around midday. However the same chronicler uses the timing of ‘the fifth hour after noon’ (
horam quintam post nonam
), so if he had meant between 12 and 1 p.m. he would not have used the older system. Hence the sixth hour here is likely to relate to the sixth hour after midnight, which chimes with Henry’s proclamation of the previous day that he would land in the morning.

51.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 19; Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 82. For Edward III’s knighting his son, see
Perfect King
, p. 226.

52.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 52. Curry, quoting the Berry Herald, suggests they were both at Caudebec and that the numbers of men with them were exaggerated. Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 87.

53.
Gesta
, p. 33; Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 84.

54.
Curry notes in ‘Military Ordinances’, p. 244, that Upton’s ordinances do not include the clause regarding wearing the cross of St George; all the other ordinances, including those of Richard II, do include it. However, it is highly probable that the cross of St George was worn on the 1415 campaign. The French were noted to have worn the white cross in response. In 1415 it was probably thought unnecessary at the outset to spell out the need to wear the red cross; but a few infractions of this rule may have led to it being stipulated in later ordinances.

55.
Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 404.

56.
Gesta
, pp. 29–31; Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 7; Curry,
Agincourt
pp. 84, 335.

57.
Monstrelet
, i, p. 333.

58.
Gesta
, pp. 33–5.

59.
The great gun is named in Brie (ed.),
Brut
, ii, p. 553.

60.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 25; Curry,
Agincourt
, pp. 90–1.

61.
Curry, ‘Military Ordinances’, p. 229. The earliest surviving set of military ordinances are the twenty-six clauses governing the behaviour of men on Richard II’s expedition to Scotland in 1385, See Maurice Keen, ‘Richard II’s Ordinances of War of 1385’, in Rowena Archer and Simon Walker (eds),
Rulers and Ruled
, pp. 33–48.

62.
Curry, ‘Military Ordinances’, pp. 221–3. Although Curry is very circumspect in choosing the set which relates to 1415 – she considers it possible also that
the St John’s College set could also relates to 1415 – the set known as Upton’s ordinances seems most likely. The order to captains to proclaim them and receive copies, which appears only in the preamble to Upton’s set, became enshrined in the main text of the other sets. There are fewer clauses, suggesting the later sets were amplifications of these fourteen. Unlike the later sets of ordinances, the first two clauses of Upton’s set tally with the description of the first part of the proclamation as recorded in the
Gesta
. The six clauses in Upton which are not in the St John’s College set seem more theoretical and possibly based on general experience of warfare (in Wales, for example); the three in the St John’s set which are not in Upton seem closely based on the experience of fighting in France. All the St John’s College ordinances are in the later Mantes set, so if the Mantes ordinances were based on one or the other, it was far more likely to have been the St John’s College set, which was thus probably more recent.

63.
The military ordinances of Upton have been published in their Latin form in Upton,
De Studio Militari
, pp. 133–45. The ordinances of Mantes (1419 or more probably 1421) have often been used as those governing the army in 1415. A calendar of all of Henry V’s ordinances appears as an appendix to Curry, ‘The Military Ordinances of Henry V’, pp. 240–9. According to the French chronicle of the abbey of St Denis, the English deemed it ‘an almost unpardonable crime to have women of easy virtue in the camp’ (
S&I
, p. 105). This is supported by the last of Upton’s ordinances. For prostitutes in the English royal household, see Given-Wilson,
Royal Household
, p. 60.

64.
Nichols (ed.),
Collection of all the Wills
, pp. 217–23 (in French, but dated under 22 August);
Testamenta Vetusta
, i, p. 186 (English calendar, following Nichols and dated 22 August);
Foedera
, ix, pp. 307–9 (French, correctly dated).

65.
For the identification of the baker as Gurmyn, see Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 289.

66.
Wylie,
Henry V
, i, p. 290; Fox,
Acts and Monuments
, pp. 840–1.

67.
Barker,
Agincourt
, p. 180.

68.
Gesta
, p. 35.

69.
Gesta
, p. 37.

70.
Raoul le Gay was given exaggerated figures concerning Henry’s army – including 50,000 men and 12 cannon. The latter would have been easier to count than the former, so perhaps are not quite as exaggerated. But le Gay would not have been given this number if there had been more. See Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 27.

71.
Fears
, pp. 303–4.

72.
Gesta
, p. 37.

73.
For the number of gunners, see Nicolas,
Agincourt
, p. 386.

74.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 113.

75.
CCR
, pp. 280–1; Wylie,
Henry V
, p. 104. For Hovingham and Flete remaining at the duke’s court, see the entry for 7 December.

76.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 52.

77.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 85.

78.
Riley (ed.),
Memorials
, pp. 617–18.

79.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 87; Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 96. The latter states two galleys, not one.

80.
Nicolas,
Agincourt
, appendix, pp. 6–7.

81.
Johnes (ed.),
Monstrelet
, i, p. 334.

82.
Gesta
, p. 39.

83.
Gesta
, p. 41.

84.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, pp. 25–6.

85.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 103; Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 53.

86.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 94;
Gesta
, pp. 41–3.

87.
Johnes (ed.),
Monstrelet
, i, p. 334.

88.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 27. The question of Henry’s ill-health was one previous example of Courtenay misinforming Fusoris.

89.
Petit,
Itinéraires
, p. 420.

90.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 29.

91.
Bellaguet (ed.),
Chronique du Religieux
, v, p. 535.

92.
Curry,
Agincourt
, pp. 104–5.

93.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, p. 100.

94.
Rawcliffe,
Medicine and Society
, p. 4;
S&I
, p. 435.

95.
For Henry’s nightly inspections of his lines, see Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 93.

September

1.
Chronica Maiora
, p. 408.

2.
Wylie,
Henry V
, ii, pp. 41–2;
Chronica Maiora
, pp. 408–9. For the heat, see Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 92.

3.
CP
, v, p. 482; Curry, ‘Agincourt’, in
ODNB
.

4.
Foedera
, ix, pp. 310–11; Wylie, ii, p. 40, n. 5.

5.
Curry,
Agincourt
, p. 96.

6.
This letter is much misquoted in many sources. For instance it is often said that the king requested cannon be sent to him; that in fact was a separate request, made in June. A full text of the letter appears in
S&I
, pp. 444–5.

7.
Curry,
Agincourt
, pp. 122–3 (Arundel’s company).

8.
S&I
, p. 445.

9.
Issues
, p. 342. This payment was made on 4 October in respect of the messenger carrying the order to Dover. It must have been about a month earlier that Henry summoned the fishermen.