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Authors: George Daughan

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BOOK: 1812: The Navy's War
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A seaborne attack on Washington using the Potomac River was far less likely than an attack by land through the small town of Bladensburg, eight miles to the northeast. But Madison made no effort to erect defenses there either. Monroe wanted to prepare a vigorous defense of the capital, as Smith was doing in Baltimore, but Secretary Armstrong did not think Washington was in any immediate danger, and the president apparently accepted his appraisal.
 
 
ON MAY 17, 1813, Admiral Warren sailed to Bermuda with forty prizes, planning to return to the Chesapeake shortly. He was back in mid-June with 2,000 additional troops under General Sir Sydney Beckwith, a distinguished British officer. Warren now had the wherewithal to go after the
Constellation
in the Elizabeth River.
Before Warren could mount an assault, Captain Cassin ordered Master Commandant Joseph Tarbell to conduct a gunboat attack on three British frigates anchored off Newport News. On June 20 at four o’clock in the morning, Tarbell’s fifteen boats went after the 38-gun
Junon
, under Captain James Sanders. The water was dead flat calm, and the
Junon
was sitting apart from her two companions. Tarbell opened fire at three-quarters of a mile, but as luck would have it, half an hour later, a fortuitous breeze sprang up, allowing the other two frigates, the
Narcissus
and the
Barossa
, to get under way and come to
Junon
’s rescue. Tarbell retreated, barely managing to escape. He wrote later that if the breeze had held off a while, he would have captured or destroyed the
Junon
.
Warren now proceeded against the
Constellation
. He first had to neutralize Craney Island. Captains Stewart and Cassin and Brigadier General Robert Taylor of the Virginia militia had made the island a tough obstacle, however, erecting a strong battery of seven guns, supported by seven hundred troops, sailors from the
Constellation
, and fifteen gunboats strung across the mouth of the river.
While Stewart had been in the midst of preparing to resist an attack, Secretary Jones, on May 7, ordered him unexpectedly to take command of the
Constitution
in Boston. It was a bizarre move. Stewart was one of the navy’s stellar fighters, and he was getting ready for a showdown with the British commander in North America. To pull him away at this critical moment to command a frigate that would not be ready to sail for months was hard to believe. Instead of being at the center of the action, Stewart would be sitting idly in Boston. It was one of Jones’s poorest decisions. Tarbell temporarily replaced Stewart.
Warren’s attack came on June 22. Although outnumbering the defenders, and having vastly more firepower, the British were unable to even land on Craney Island, much less capture it. Beckwith’s attack from the land failed to reach the island, as did Warren’s men, when they attempted to land by boat. When Warren saw how difficult Craney was going to be—even before he got upriver to attack the defenses there—he called off the whole operation and reembarked the troops. He decided to leave the
Constellation
trapped for the rest of the war. The Admiralty was unimpressed with Warren’s excuses. So far as London was concerned, his failure to capture the
Constellation
was more evidence of his ineffectiveness.
On June 25, to compensate for the Craney Island fiasco, Beckwith attacked the lightly defended village of Hampton, ten miles away on the north side of the James River. He captured it easily and let his men loose to rape and pillage, which they did with abandon. Their behavior was so gross that Warren and Beckwith were embarrassed, although no soldiers were punished for what they did. Beckwith blamed the atrocious behavior on French soldiers (convicts who preferred fighting for Britain to rotting in prison), but the damage was done. Accounts of the atrocity helped boost American support for the war.
Warren now turned his attention to destroying the 28-gun
Adams
in the Washington Navy Yard, hoping to gain some favor with the Admiralty, which still had destruction of the American fleet as its first priority. He arrived with his squadron at the mouth of the Potomac on the first of July, but the river’s considerable impediments baffled him, and he withdrew. He then sailed toward Annapolis and Baltimore but attacked neither of them.
While Warren was sailing about rather aimlessly, Cockburn was active, leading a squadron of seven ships to Ocracoke Inlet, which connected Pamlico Sound with the Atlantic Ocean. He arrived on July 12. Goods from the Chesapeake area were getting to sea via the unguarded inlet. Warren ordered Cockburn to destroy all the vessels there, which he proceeded to do. Afterward, he replenished his ships, loaded all the food he could for Warren’s fleet, and sailed back to Lynnhaven Bay.
On July 16, while Cockburn was at Ocracoke Inlet, an American inventor named Elijah Mix set out to sink the 74-gun
Plantagenet
, one of the battleships moored in Lynnhaven Bay, with a torpedo. Mix worked closely with Captain Charles Gordon, who had recently taken command of the
Constellation
, to fashion a weapon similar to one being experimented on by Robert Fulton. The “torpedo” was really a mine. Fulton had obtained his design from David Bushnell, who had developed an underwater explosive during the American Revolution. Fulton copied Bushnell’s ideas without attribution until the publication of Bushnell’s discoveries in Paris forced Fulton to admit his debt to the Revolutionary War hero.
Fulton’s torpedo had been around since 1800, and he was still looking for a buyer. It had been taken seriously at one time by Napoleon and later by Prime Minister Pitt of Great Britain. But Fulton could never demonstrate that it was practical. Nonetheless, the idea continued to intrigue, and on March 3, 1813, the U.S. Congress passed a law to pay any person who sank a British ship, no matter how it was done, one half of the ship’s value. That set scores of inventors to work, including Mix, who intended to transport his floating mine in a large open boat, row close to the target, drop the torpedo in the water, and let it drift into the warship’s side, exploding on impact and making a hole large enough to sink it.
On the sixteenth of July, Mix’s boat,
Chesapeake’s Revenge
, approached to within two hundred forty feet of the
Plantagenet
before one of her guard boats ran him off. The setback did not deter Mix; he was determined to sink her. From the nineteenth to the twenty-third he made repeated attempts but failed each time. On the twenty-fourth, however, he crept to within a hundred yards of the target, dropped the torpedo in the water, and watched it drift toward the
Plantagenet
, closer and closer. Suddenly, just before reaching the ship, it exploded, sending a spectacular pyramid of water, fifty feet in circumference and fifty feet high, shooting into the air, close enough to spew water on the ship’s deck and damage her side. The fireworks were inspiring, but the ship still rode at her anchor. Mix tried to improve his technique, but he could not get any more gunpowder from the navy and made no further attacks.
Meanwhile, Cockburn returned to the Chesapeake, and in August he resumed raiding, occupying Kent’s Island in the upper bay and using it as a base. On August 10 he attacked the town of St. Michaels, but the Maryland militia, aroused by Cockburn’s brutal tactics, put up a stout defense and drove him off. The massing of the militia led Cockburn to close down his operations and return to Lynnhaven Bay.
Warren now decided to withdraw most of his fleet from the Chesapeake during the first week of September. The success of the Maryland militia, losses from desertions and disease, as well as the need to refit and resupply his ships in a healthier climate caused him to leave temporarily. He sailed with some of his fleet to Halifax, and the rest he sent to Bermuda with Cockburn. Captain Robert Barrie stayed behind to continue the blockade with one sail of the line, two frigates, two brigs, and three schooners.
 
 
FURIOUS WITH THE lack of offense or defense against Cockburn on the water, fifty-four-year old Joshua Barney wrote to Secretary Jones on July 4, 1813, urging him to build a fleet of at least twenty row-galleys to combat the British ships when they returned in the spring of 1814, which Barney was confident they would do. Jones was as frustrated as Barney, and he immediately accepted the offer, appointing Barney to build and command a Chesapeake Bay flotilla. Barney would operate directly under Jones as a separate unit apart from the regular navy. The secretary did not want Barney and his officers complicating the navy’s always delicate seniority system. Barney accepted the appointment and the rank of master commandant. He spent the next few months struggling to get his unique gunboats built and manned before spring.
CHAPTER SEVENTEEN
 
Oliver Hazard Perry
 
W
HILE COCKBURN WAS marauding in Chesapeake Bay and the Outer Banks of North Carolina, the British and American navies were engaged in a fateful arms race on Lake Erie that would determine which country controlled the northwestern part of the United States and perhaps Upper Canada. The key figure on the American side was twenty-eight-year-old master commandant, Oliver Hazard Perry, from Newport, Rhode Island.
Back on January 20, 1813, Commodore Chauncey had written to Secretary Jones requesting that Perry be given command of the naval force building on Lake Erie. At the time, Perry was in charge of a small flotilla of gunboats at Newport, unhappy that he was not seeing any action. He came from a prominent navy family; his father, Christopher, had fought with distinction during the Revolution and had been captured twice. The first time, he was confined to the infamous prison ship
Jersey
in New York Harbor and the second time in a prison camp in Newry, Ireland. Captain Christopher Perry was also a hero of the Quasi-War with France and was taken back into the navy for a time in 1812 to serve as commandant of the Boston Navy Yard. He was at that post when Isaac Hull sailed the
Constitution
into Boston after his victory over the
Guerriere
.
Young Oliver had much to live up to, and he was ready for the challenge—in fact, desperate for it. Despite his age, he was an experienced, well-regarded officer. He had served with his father in the Quasi-War and later in the war against Tripoli, spending fifteen years in the service, rising to the rank of master commandant.
Perry did not want to spend the war stuck in Newport leading a few inactive gunboats. He had promised Chauncey he would bring a hundred scarce seamen to Lake Erie, and that was a powerful incentive for the commodore to request his appointment. The selection did not sit well with Lieutenant Jesse Elliott, who coveted the assignment for himself. Although junior in rank to Perry, Elliott was four years older, and after capturing the
Caledonia
and the
Detroit
off Fort Erie in 1812, he considered himself a hero, as did the country. Congress had presented him with a sword.
Perry arrived at Presque Isle with his Rhode Island seamen on March 27, 1813. Noah Brown, the master shipbuilder from New York, and his brother Adam were already there, along with their remarkable foreman, Sidney Wright, and a contingent of shipwrights. The Browns and their men had arrived on March 2 and immediately went to work building two identical 20-gun brigs, the
Lawrence
(named after the late Captain James Lawrence) and the
Niagara
. Both would displace four hundred eighty tons and mount two long twelve-pounders and eighteen thirty-two-pound carronades. The Browns were building four gunboats as well. Daniel Dobbins was also at Presque Isle. He had been in charge there during the winter and was staying on to help Perry.
Exquisite timber for the new ships abounded in the region—oak, poplar, ash, cedar, walnut, and pine. But nearly everything else—anchors, carronades, long guns, shot, powder, iron for making chain plates, and other items, such as canvas, rigging, fittings, tools, oakum, and cordage—had to be brought from Pittsburgh, which by then was the industrial center of the west. These supplies were conveyed up the Allegheny River and its tributary French Creek to Meadville, Pennsylvania, and then hauled north for forty-one miles over a primitive road to Presque Isle. If an item could not be procured in Pittsburgh, it had to come from Philadelphia or New York. Most of the carpenters, blacksmiths, and other skilled workmen came from eastern cities as well. In February Oliver Ormsby, a Pittsburgh merchant, became the naval agent in Pittsburgh. He facilitated the movement of supplies and workmen to Presque Isle. “Many are the difficulties we have to encounter,” Perry wrote to Chauncey, “but we will surmount them all.”
Perry was a natural leader: frank, friendly, courteous in his manners, and modest but at the same time strict and demanding. He never spared himself, working every day at an exhausting pace. He expected everyone else to do the same. From the start, he worried about being attacked before the brigs were finished. He had his men clear the hill in back of the ships and build a blockhouse. He then went to Pittsburgh and acquired four cannon. The governor of Pennsylvania helped by sending five hundred militiamen under Major General David Mead to defend Presque Isle.
As difficult as it was for Perry to accomplish his assignment, his British counterpart, twenty-eight-year-old Lieutenant Robert Heriot Barclay, had it much harder at Amherstburg. Barclay, although young like Perry, was also a seasoned, fifteen-year veteran, having fought at Trafalgar in 1805, when he lost an arm. He did not reach Amherstburg until June 5, two and a half months after Perry took charge at Presque Isle. Barclay’s supply chain was infinitely more complicated than Perry’s, running from England through Kingston, where his superior, Admiral Yeo, was engaged in his own arms race and was reluctant to part with the men and supplies Barclay needed. “There is a general want of stores of every description at this post,” Barclay complained to Governor-General Proctor on June 29. Barclay desperately needed the naval stores and armament that Chauncey and Dearborn had destroyed when they attacked York back in April. Making matters worse for Barclay, London’s first priority was defending Lower Canada. If absolutely necessary, Liverpool and his colleagues were prepared to let sparsely populated Upper Canada go.
BOOK: 1812: The Navy's War
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