58 Washington to Colonel David Henley, November 25, 1778.
59 On one occasion, Washington’s policy was put to the test by some pesky farmers. Washington complained that he was having a difficult time getting wheat from the farmers, which meant that his army was likely to “suffer for want of Bread.” Orders to Carpenter Wharton, December 20, 1776. To remedy the infuriating situation, he ordered his troops to approach each farmer and “with full powers . . . to take his Grain for the Public Service.” But he also ordered that each farmer be paid in full for any wheat taken. Ibid. Then Congress stepped in, and Washington took a harder line. After Congress directly authorized him to do so, he “issued a Proclamation ordering the Farmers to Thresh out their Wheat and prepare it for Mill, and that in case of Noncompliance within certain Periods, it shall be Siezed upon for the use of the Army and only paid for as Straw.” Washington to Major General John Armstrong, December 28, 1777. This order seemingly violated the policy of just compensation, for straw was far less valuable than wheat, but Washington was not merely being a hypocrite, however; he proceeded because he was carrying out Congress’s wishes. It was more acceptable for civil authorities to initiate such controversial action than the military.
60 Washington to Henry Laurens, December 14[–15], 1777.
Chapter 31: Not-So-Civil War
1 Based on a sketch from 1780. Benson J. Lossing’s sketch likewise depicts Germain in a strange light. Other portraits are more flattering.
2 General Cornwallis to his brother, qtd. in Franklin B. Wickwire and Mary Wickwire, Cornwallis: The American Adventure (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1970), 115.
20 Charles James Fox, in Henry Lee, Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department of the United States (1827), 179.
21 Washington to Major General Benedict Arnold, June 19, 1778, in The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series , 15:472. Although he sought to protect Loyalists, Washington was more inclined to give his troops’ discretion the benefit of the doubt, such as when Major Ballard was faced with felony charges in New York for confiscating Loyalist property. Washington wrote to New York’s governor that “the good of the service sometimes requires things to be done in the military line, which cannot be supported by the civil law.” Washington to Governor George Clinton, December 13, 1779, in The Writings of George Washington , 17:252–53. Washington, however, made clear to Clinton that he would nevertheless not tolerate any confiscations where there were “appearances of oppression or fraud” or “spirit of plunder.” Ibid., 17:253.
22 Washington to Lieutenant General Thomas Gage, August 19, 1775, in The Writings of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series , 1:327.
24 Glenn A. Phelps, “The Republican General,” in George Washington Reconsidered , ed. Don Higginbotham (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2001), 184.
25 Logan Beirne, “George vs. George vs. George: Commander-in-Chief Power,” Yale Law and Policy Review 26 (2007), 288.
26 For example, see Journals of the Continental Congress , July 24, 1776, 5:605–6 (discussing congressional actions); Washington to John Hancock, January 30, 1776, in The Papers of George Washington , 1:214–21 (referencing confiscation by the state of New York).
27 For further discussion of Washington’s refusal to confiscate property or suspend habeas corpus, see Bruce Chadwick, George Washington’s War (Naperville, Ill.: Sourcebooks, 2004), 227–30.
28 Circular to the States, June 8, 1783, in The Writings of George Washington , 26:490.
29 Washington’s Farewell Address, September 19, 1796, in The Writings of George Washington , 35:222–23.
30 Thomas Jefferson to William Stephens Smith, November 13, 1787, in The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Main Series, ed. Julian P. Boyd et al. (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1955– ), 12:356.
Part VI: Could Have Been King
1 “Washington’s Spectacles,” American Optical (1918), courtesy of the Optical Heritage Museum.
2 Rudolph Marx, M.D., “The Health of the President: George Washington,” Health Guidance , June 15, 2008.
3 David Fleishman, “Optical Treasures: Missing-Stolen,” Antique Spectacles, http://www.antiquespectacles.com/treasures/stolen.htm . Many thanks to David Fleishman for his help in learning more about Washington’s elusive spectacles.
5 While these glasses were believed to be Washington’s, there is no way to verify whether they were definitely his. Nor is there any way to verify whether they were the same ones he wore at Newburgh in 1783, but this passage is more concerned with their symbolism as a reminder of Washington’s actions. Ibid.
Chapter 32: O God! It Is All Over!
1 Proceedings of the town of Charlestown , in the county of Middlesex, and Commonwealth of Massachusetts; in Respectful Testimony of the Distinguished Talents and Prominent Virtues of the Late George Washington , ed. Samuel Etheridge (1800), 62.
2 Ibid., 61, quoting a letter from John Bell, Esq. to a friend in Europe “during an early period of the American Revolution,” from Massachusetts Magazine , 1791.
3 The Memoirs of Lafayette, in The Spirit of Seventy-Six , 1208.
4 Journal of Dr. James Thacher, August 15, 1781, in ibid., 1215.
4 Sir George Otto Trevelyan, George the Third and Charles Fox: The Concluding Part of the American Revolution (1912), 1:5.
5 Draft Message from the King, March 1782, in The Spirit of Seventy-Six , 1281–82.
6 King George III is believed to have had porphyria, a genetic disease. T. M. Cox, N. Jack, S. Lofthouse, J. Watling, J. Haines, M. J. Warren, “King George III and Porphyria: An Elemental Hypothesis and Investigation,” Lancet 366 (2005): 332–35.
8 Henry Laurens was named as the fourth commissioner, but he was “strangely dilatory in joining his fellow commissioners” and played less of a role in the main discussions. The Spirit of Seventy-Six , 1249.
15 Thomas Rodney to Caesar Rodney, June 15, 1781, in ibid., 1251.
16 Statement of Chevalier de la Luzern, May 28, 1781, in Journals of the Continental Congress , 20:562n.
17 John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, September 6, 1782, in The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution , ed. Jared Sparks (Boston, 1829–1830), 6:401.
18 Decoded letter from John Jay to Gouverneur Morris, October 13, 1782, in The Spirit of Seventy-Six , 1263.
19 Edmond Fitzmaurice, Life of William, Earl of Shelburne (1876), 267.
21 Comte de Vergennes to Benjamin Franklin, December 15, 1782, in The Papers of Benjamin Franklin , ed. William B. Wilcox (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983), 38:405.
22 Benjamin Franklin to Comte de Vergennes, December 17, 1782, in ibid., 38:416–17.
6 Washington Irving, Life of George Washington , 4:400.
7 George L. Marshall, Jr., “The Rise and Fall of the Newburgh Conspiracy: How General Washington and His Spectacles Saved the Republic,” Early America Review , Fall 1997.
8 Robert F. Haggard, “The Nicola Affair: Lewis Nicola, George Washington, and American Military Discontent during the Revolutionary War,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 146 no. 2 (June 2002): 139–69.