Children of Paradise (73 page)

“If I were you”
:
Mehdi Moslem,
Factional Politics in Post-Khomeini Iran
(Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2002), 256.

C
HAPTER
E
IGHT.
T
HE
C
HAIN
M
URDERS

the family’s lawyer would recount
:
Shirin Ebadi with Azadeh Moaveni,
Iran Awakening: A Memoir of Revolution and Hope
(New York: Random House, 2006), 137.

“I see him off with his weapon”
:
Hammed Shahidian, “Writing Out Terror,” Jan. 8, 1999. Unpublished manuscript posted on Oct. 8, 2005 (after the author’s death), on Iranian.com, http://iranian.com/BTW/2005/October/Terror/index.html.

“Wherever religion and government . . . own religious beliefs and knowledge”
:
Ziba Mir-Hosseini and Richard Tapper,
Islam and Democracy in Iran: Eshkevari and the Quest for Reform
(London and New York: I. B. Tauris, 2006), 69.

“Now that the fervor has subsided”
:
Ibid., 67.

The inclusion of the old literary elite
:
Reza Afshari,
Human Rights in Iran: The Abuse of Cultural Relativism
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001). See particularly chapter 13, “The Right to Freedom of Opinion, Expression, and Press,” 185–216.

They opened their consensus meetings
:
Mehrangiz Kar,
Crossing the Red Line: The Struggle for Human Rights in Iran
(Costa Mesa, CA: Blind Owl Press/Mazda, 2007), 125–29.

“We are the writers!”
:
Hammed Shahidian, trans., “We Are the Writers!,”
Iranian Studies
30, nos. 3–4 (1997), 291–93,

“Killing hypocrites does not require a court order”
:
“Rafsanjani to Succeed Khamenei?,” Iran brief, Info-Prod Research (Middle East), no. 64 (Oct. 4, 1999).

An unbridgeable divide
:
Afshari,
Human Rights in Iran
, 206.

“[A] society in which religion”
:
Mir-Hosseini and Tapper,
Islam and Democracy in Iran
, 71.

They released a videotape in which Emami’s wife
:
Ebadi with Moaveni,
Iran Awakening
, 139.

“Directing everyone’s eyes . . . flag of terror on religion’s dome”
:
Akbar Ganji, “Assassination’s Directors,” in
Writers Under Siege: Voices of Freedom from Around the World
, ed. Lucy Popescu and Carole Seymour-Jones (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 152–53.

Ganji wrote in
Sobh-e Emrouz
:
Akbar Ganji, “The Questions Raised by a Suicide,” in
Writers Under Siege
, 153–55.

C
HAPTER
N
INE.
T
HE
E
IGHTEENTH OF
T
IR

“What need is there . . . forces act as mere spectators?”
:
David Menashri,
Post-Revolutionary Politics in Iran: Religion, Society and Power
(Portland, OR; Frank Cass, 2001), 136.

debated a sweeping new law
:
A. W. Samii, “The Contemporary Iranian News Media: 1998–1999,”
Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA) Journal
3, no. 4 (Dec. 1999), available online on Rubin Center for Research in International Affairs website, http://www.gloria-center.org/1999/12/samii-1999-12-01/.

“We have to create laws . . . let us take measures”
:
FDI: Foundation for Democracy in Iran, “Hard-liners Close Salam Newspaper,” News Flash, July 8, 1999, http://www.iran.org/news/bbc990708.htm.

Salam
published an explosive story
:
Abbas Samii, “The Internal Struggle over Iran’s Future,” in
Crises in the Contemporary Persian Gulf
, ed. Barry Rubin (New York: Frank Cass, 2002), 277–313.

Khamenei condemned the attack
:
“Iran’s Tiananmen Square, or 1979 Revisited?,”
Mideast Mirror
, 13, no. 131 (June 12, 1999).

“We will resolutely and decisively quell”
:
Geneive Abdo, “Khatami Abandons Student Protesters: Iran’s Pro-Democracy Activists Left Stunned, Confused As President Sides with Hard-liners,”
Globe and Mail
(Canada), July 15, 1999.

“fast-talking self-promoter”
:
Elaine Sciolino,
Persian Mirrors: The Elusive Face of Iran
(New York: Free Press, 2005), 242.

“was administered an unspecified ‘medicine’”
:
“Islamic Republic of Iran: Iran: Akbar Mohammadi’s Death in Custody Signals Need for Justice Reform,” Amnesty International, Aug. 9, 2006, http://www.amnesty.or.jp/en/news/2006/0809_551.html.

“the true children of the revolution” . . . violence to Islam
:
Menashri,
Post- Revolutionary Politics in Iran
, 147.

“among the best supporters”
:
Tarek Al-Issawi, “After Protests, Khatami Pledges to Continue Reform Program,” Associated Press, July 28, 1999.

“There is no split”
:
“Iran Riots a ‘Declaration of War’ Against Me: Khatami,” Agence France-Presse, July 28, 1999.

“an ugly and offensive incident” . . . “no matter who they are”
:
Ibid.

“My dear ones”
:
Geneive Abdo and Jonathan Lyons,
Answering Only to God: Faith and Freedom in Twenty-first Century Iran
(New York: Henry Holt, 2003), 219.

“I felt like a lonely and vulnerable child” . . . “untied me from the bed”
:
Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, “Witness Statement: Ali Afshari,” 2008, 14, http://www.iranhrdc.org/english/publications/witness-testimony/3175-witness-statement-ali-afshari.html.

C
HAPTER
T
EN.
M
ASTER
P
LANS

“Who wants to sit”
:
Jeffrey M. Hardwick,
Mall Maker: Victor Gruen, Architect of an American Dream
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010), 151.

“graft and corruption”
:
Ibid., 188.

“The world of postwar America”
:
Ibid., 215.

Tehran sloped sharply
:
Ali Madanipour,
Tehran: The Making of a Metropolis
(New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1998), 103.

Tehran’s population grew from 160,000 to 5 million
:
Asef Bayat,
Street Politics: Poor People’s Movements in Iran
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 25.

top 12 million in 2004
:
Tehran Municipality, “Tehran, Social Situation,” http://en.tehran.ir/Default.aspx?tabid=99.

fully 35 percent of Tehran’s population
:
Bayat,
Street Politics
, 29.

“There are few examples of a megacity”
:
Wouter Vanstiphout, “The Saddest City in the World: Tehran and the Legacy of an American Dream of Modern Town Planning,” in
The New Town
, a research and exhibition project by Crimson Architectural Historians, Rotterdam, March 2, 2006, http://www.thenewtown.nl/article.php?id_article=71.

“centuries went by and generations followed”
:
Ibid.

The Islamic Republic brought electricity
:
In 1977, only 16 percent of rural homes had electricity; by 1984, 57 percent did. Now rural families could purchase refrigerators (up from 7 to 35 percent of rural homes in the same period) and television sets.

Under the shah, rural women
:
Djavad Salehi-Isfahani, “The Revolution and the Rural Poor,”
Radical History Review
, no. 105 (Fall 2009), 139–44.

“Neither east nor west!” . . . “neither water nor electricity!”
:
Bayat,
Street Politics
, 86.

Gholamhossein Karbaschi called for flowers
:
Fariba Adelkah,
Being Modern in Iran
(New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), 22.

Karbaschi quintupled the city’s budget
:
Kaveh Ehsani, “The Politics of Property in the Islamic Republic of Iran,” in
The Rule of Law, Islam, and Constitutional Politics in Egypt and Iran
, ed. Saïd Amir Arjomand and Nathan J. Brown (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2013), 162.

Karbaschi created six hundred new
parks
:
Asef Bayat,
Making Islam Democratic: Social Movements and the Post-Islamist Turn
(Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007), 56.

Ayatollah Khamenei warned Karbaschi
:
Ibid., 58.

“primarily as sources of revenue”
:
Kaveh Ehsani and Sai’id Hajjarian, “‘Existing Political Vessels Cannot Contain the Reform Movement’: A Conversation with Sai’id Hajjarian,”
Pushing the Limits, Iran’s Islamic Revolution at Twenty
, special issue of
Middle East Report
, no. 212 (Autumn 1999), 42.

Karbaschi’s trial opened in June
:
Information on the trial comes from “Tehran Mayor Denies Stealing ‘a Single Rial’ As Trial Resumes,” Agence France-Press, June 11, 1998.

“You’ve set up a group”
:
Afshin Valinejad, “Tehran Mayor Accuses Authorities of Torture,” Associated Press, July 5, 1998.

he told reporters that he’d learned
:
John Daniszewski, “Shooting Leaves Iranian Reformist Seriously Hurt,”
Los Angeles Times
, March 13, 2000, A1.