Double Victory (9 page)

Usually when these black women entered a restaurant the waiters refused to serve them. Sometimes the white customers complained and left because they didn't want to eat with black people. When that happened, the managers sometimes closed the stores for the day—which meant the stores were losing money.

As the summer of 1944 wore on in St. Louis, the protestors learned new tactics. They started moving their sit-ins from Mondays to Saturdays. The weekends were busier, and closing the restaurants caused more loss of money for the store owners and white workers.

Sometimes the police were called to remove the protestors. The women began to plan sit-ins at more than one restaurant at the same time to cause delays in the police arrivals. That gave the protestors more time to sit at the counters—and more time for people to notice them.

And like Hattie Duvall, the women used signs to call attention to their cause. As they silently walked back and forth in front of the stores where they were refused service, they carried big signs:

WHY CAN'T I EAT HERE?

WHAT DOES DEMOCRACY MEAN TO YOU?

A NAZI'S BULLET KNOWS NO PREJUDICE

MY MOTHER SERVES, MY BROTHER SERVES, MAY I BE SERVED?

Maybe white people who saw them would think about the four freedoms that President Roosevelt had spoken about in his State of the Union address in 1941. Maybe they would think about the injustice of discrimination when they witnessed black people quietly and politely asking for basic civil rights. Maybe they would think that the contributions black Americans were making to the war effort should give them the right to eat where they wanted. However, it was long after the war ended that black customers were finally welcomed at St. Louis lunch counters. The women who led the sit-ins during the war years laid the foundation for what was to come years later.

The VV Campaign

At a time when everyone in the world was paying attention to the ideas of democracy and freedom, it seemed like a logical time to talk about democracy and freedom for blacks in the United States. That's why a black newspaper called the
Pittsburgh Courier
started the Double V campaign in 1942. “Double V” stood for victory at the war front and victory at home—victory for democracy in Europe, Africa, and Asia, and victory for democracy in America.

The campaign spread quickly across the country. Black citizens of all ages talked about the Double V. It was a symbol of
pride. Double Victory Clubs were started. People wore Double V pins and flashed the Double V sign with their fingers to show their support for the campaign. They stuck bumper stickers that read
DEMOCRACY: AT HOME + ABROAD
on their cars. Women were crowned Double V Girls. When Irene Hunter of Chicago was featured in the newspaper as the Double V Girl of the Week, she was swamped with letters from soldiers stationed all over the world. A teacher in Texas named Ruth Chumley won $25 when her song lyrics were chosen as the theme song for the Double V campaign.

Some black leaders opposed the Double V campaign. They thought movements like the Double V might appear unpatriotic. They thought black activism should be “on hold” for the duration of the war. But others believed it was a perfect time to be active. Movements like the Double V campaign gave some black people the courage to act.

The Double Victory Girls Club of Cincinnati, Ohio, conducted a demonstration in front of a federal government employment building to protest discrimination by the office staff in December 1943. They claimed the government workers at the office generally ignored black applicants for jobs. And they said that when black applicants were considered, they were only offered jobs as maids or maintenance workers regardless of their training and qualifications.

Ethel Payne decided to act when she faced discrimination by a government employee. Ethel knew about discrimination; she had witnessed it more than once in her life. That's why she became involved in the March on Washington in 1941. And she was encouraged when the president signed Executive Order 8802. The order had been directed at the government as well as businesses. Government agencies were reminded that discrimination in hiring for government jobs had to stop.

In December 1942, Ethel had taken a civil service test. She passed the test, which meant she was qualified to be a librarian with the government. She applied for an opening in a government agency in Washington, DC. Ethel was ready to go to work—but over a year later she still hadn't been offered a job. She happened to be in Washington in 1944 and decided to inquire about the status of her application. She set up an appointment to talk to an official at the agency. When Ethel arrived, she was directed to the fifth floor and was greeted by a man who introduced himself as Mr. Mc Pherson. He said, “You've come about the job. Well, I'm sorry to say that I can't give it to you.” When Ethel asked why, he admitted she had scored at the top of the grade but that he couldn't hire her because she was black. “I'm sorry,” Mr. Mc Pherson said, “but that's just the policy.” Ethel thought it was ironic that Mr. Mc Pherson had rejected her application based on the color of her skin. The department where Mr. Mc Pherson worked and where Ethel had been discriminated against was the US Department of Justice!

Anna Arnold Hedgeman was a black woman who was executive director of a national committee that was lobbying for a permanent FEPC—the committee that oversaw Executive Order 8802. In the fall of 1944 she had been invited by the US Senate to answer questions about the need for a permanent FEPC. Some members of Congress wanted the commission to end when the war ended. Anna and others knew that it was an important committee that must continue after the war.

While Anna was at the Senate answering questions from the senators, she experienced discrimination, which only underscored FEPC's importance for her. During a break for lunch, Anna joined a group of white people who were testifying at the hearing too, and they all went to a government cafeteria in the Senate Building. It was there that an employee told one of the
white women in the group, “We have orders from the management not to serve Negroes.” The group went to another restaurant—in the Senate Office Building. They were again told they could not be served. Finally, the group went to the US Supreme Court building and had lunch in its cafeteria.

One of the white women in the group wrote a letter to President Roosevelt telling him about the injustice. She reported that two restaurants in a government building had refused service to the women because Anna was black. But she added, “I am proud to report here in the building of the highest court of our land we found food and freedom.”

The March on Annapolis

When news about the Double V campaign reached Maryland many black residents were inspired. Black soldiers were already fighting for victory on the war front. And now black citizens were prepared to fight for victory at home—in Annapolis, Maryland. They also listened when E. Pauline Myers talked about “mass organization” that was “nonviolent in character.”

Black citizens in Maryland were fed up. They claimed too many blacks had been killed by the Baltimore police department. The police said the killings were justified; the black citizens said they were signs of police brutality. Black leaders orchestrated a letter writing campaign to Governor Herbert R. O'Conor. But no one ever got a response from the governor. Was he ignoring the black community's concerns?

A black woman named Juanita Jackson Mitchell managed to
finally
get the attention of Governor O'Conor. She did it by bringing 2,000 black people to the state capitol in May 1942 to make their demands heard. That was impossible for the governor to ignore.

The well-organized event was supported by the Citizens Committee for Justice, which was made up of representatives from 125 black organizations. They contributed $800 to cover transportation costs for anyone who wanted to join the march. People traveled by train, bus, and car. They gathered in front of the state capitol and made their way into the stately old building with its marble halls and crystal chandeliers. A newspaper reporter commented on the “many occupied seats that had never held a colored body before.”

The protestors were serious, quiet, and resolute. The governor listened for two hours as individuals explained what actions they wanted. They demanded an end to police brutality. They wanted a new police commissioner and a black judge. They wanted more black police officers—in uniform—so they were visible to all in the community. Lillie M. Jackson asked for an additional black
female
police officer. The group also demanded at least one black person on boards that oversaw institutions in the state. Virgie Waters, the president of the Master Beauticians Association, spoke about the need for a black representative on the state board of beauty culturists and hairdressers. And she wanted an additional black state inspector of beauty shops.

After listening to everything that was said, Governor O'Conor said he would establish a biracial committee to study conditions in the areas of concern. He said the committee would act promptly on some matters but that others would have to be dealt with “gradually.”

Juanita Jackson Mitchell gave the final speech. She said, “This demonstration was born out of the desperation of the people and we demand immediate redress.” And Juanita explained what they meant by “immediate.” She said they expected action from the governor “not within the next year, nor the next month, but next week.” Juanita didn't wait for the governor to take actions
when it came to helping his black constituents. Later that year she directed the citywide Register and Vote campaign—getting 11,000 black citizens to register, making them eligible to vote in local and national elections. With 11,000 more black voters at the polls, the governor's political career was more tenuous than it had been.

A Maker of History

As Pauli Murray, Layle Lane, and Juanita Mitchell applied their revolutionary approaches in organizing black Americans, other black women utilized their distinctive styles to bring about change through more traditional channels. Crystal Bird Fauset was one who chose a more conventional path.

Crystal Bird Fauset started her career as a teacher, but her efforts in getting black women out to vote for Democratic presidential candidate Franklin Roosevelt in 1932 led to another career. When Roosevelt became president, he appointed Crystal to a position in the Works Progress Administration (WPA)—a federal program designed to carry out public works projects, including the construction of public buildings and roads. In 1938, Crystal ran for a seat in the Pennsylvania state legislature and won. This made her the first black woman elected to the Pennsylvania House of Representatives—and the first black woman in America to be elected to a state legislature. While serving as a state representative, she worked on issues related to working women.

When the war broke out, Crystal was appointed to a position with the Office of Civil Defense (OCD). The OCD was a federal agency that worked to protect the United States from attacks by its enemies. It also worked to keep morale high during wartime. Crystal was assigned to direct race relations
within the OCD. Her duties involved working to encourage community leaders to include blacks in civil defense work in their communities.

Crystal Fauset was known for her engaging speaking skills. She drew big crowds. When she spoke to a group of 300 at a meeting of the National Association of Negro Business and Professional Women's Clubs in October 1942, she recommended that a study of all high schools and colleges should be undertaken to learn what white students were learning about “darkskinned peoples of America.” Crystal said students should learn about other races but that “color prejudices” should be targeted “in order to make democracy a greater reality in America.” She told the audience that it would be up to women to assume this work because the men were overseas fighting the war. She reminded the women that “this is our war and anyone who tries to shirk is a traitor to the future of the colored American.”

Crystal believed black women should become involved in politics, and she encouraged them to vote. She said that by becoming involved in politics blacks could become “makers of history.” Crystal was so highly regarded in politics that when President Roosevelt ran for reelection in 1944, he consulted with her on how to appeal to black voters. Despite Crystal's position in the Roosevelt administration and her friendship with Eleanor Roosevelt, her political loyalties shifted to Roosevelt's challenger. Crystal announced in October that she was supporting Republican candidate Thomas E. Dewey for president in the November election. One southern newspaper gloated that “friends of Mrs. Roosevelt who haven't been enthusiastic over her association with Negro leaders are now saying ‘I told you so.'” According to the newspaper, it was long believed that “despite all the advantages received under the Roosevelt administration, [blacks] would turn against the President.”

Crystal left the Democratic Party because she was disappointed in the party's lack of support for civil rights causes. She continued her political activism in the Republican Party, where she became the adviser on Negro affairs for the Republican National Committee. Although Crystal changed her mind about which political
party
she wanted to support, she had always been an advocate for participation in the political
process.
She believed that black citizens could make economic, educational, and social gains by working within the political system. She continued to promote that message—regardless of which party she represented.

Daughter of Slave, Adviser to President

Another high-profile activist in the 1940s was Mary McLeod Bethune. A personal friend of First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt, Mary became a prominent official in the Roosevelt administration. That friendship had its start in the 1920s when, at a women's luncheon where Mary was the only black woman, she was introduced to Eleanor Roosevelt, years before she became First Lady. By the time Eleanor's husband became president of the United States, Mary and Mrs. Roosevelt were close friends. President Roosevelt appointed Mary to the post of director of the Division of Negro Affairs within the National Youth Administration (NYA). The NYA had been established by President Roosevelt in 1935 to help young people during the Great Depression get training and jobs. It continued into the war years. The NYA served all youth between the ages of 16 and 24 who needed work—and Mary Bethune worked to make sure black youth weren't overlooked by administrators of the program. It was through the NYA that many black women completed specialized training that made them eligible for defense plant jobs.