133. See Irving Leonard, Don Carlos de Sigiienza y Gongora. A Mexican Savant of the Seventeenth Century (Berkeley, 1929).
134. Luis Eduardo Wuffarden, `La ciudad y sus emblemas: imagenes del criollismo en el virreinato del Peru', in Los siglos de oro, pp. 59-75; Bernand, Negros esclavos y libres, p. 13.
135. See Mayer, Dos americanos, for an extended comparison of Mather and Sigiienza y Gongora and their respective worlds.
136. The comparison of New England and Mexican book inventories is made by Irving Leonard in his Baroque Times in Old Mexico (Ann Arbor, 1959), ch. 11. Leonard's book remains a valuable and highly accessible introduction to the literary culture of colonial New Spain. For brief accounts of the theatre in Spanish and British America, see respectively Oscar Mazin, L'Amerique espagnole, XVIe-XVIIIe siecles (Paris, 2005), pp. 162-3 and 215-16, and Kenneth Silverman, A Cultural History of the American Revolution (New York, 1976), pp. 59-69.
137. Above, p. 205.
138. 'A Proposal for Promoting Useful Knowledge among the British Plantations in America'. Franklin's `Proposal' led to the formation of the American Philosophical Society in the following year, and is reproduced in facsimile in the Society's annual Year Book (see the Year Book for 2002-3, pp. 321-2).
139. For Nicholson and `Virginian baroque', see Kornwolf, Architecture and Town Planning, 2, pp. 567-8, 586, 632, 725-7, and Bushman, Refinement of America, pp. 151-4, who also discusses the balance between ceremonial and commercial considerations.
140. For the comparison, with illustrations, see Bailyn, To Begin the World Anew, pp. 9-17.
141. See the essays in Carson, Hoffman and Albert (eds), Of Consuming Interests, especially Kevin M. Sweeney, `High Style Vernacular: Lifestyles of the Colonial Elite', pp. 1-58.
142. Margaretta M. Lovell, `Painters and Their Customers: Aspects of Art and Money in Eighteenth-Century America', in Carson, Hoffman and Albert (eds), Of Consuming
Interests, pp. 284-306; Silverman, Cultural History of the American Revolution, pp. 11-30. 143. Bailey, Art of Colonial Latin America, pp. 173-4.
Chapter 9
1. Jorge Juan and Antonio de Ulloa, Las `Noticias secretas de America' de Jorge Juan y Antonio de Ulloa, 1735-1745, ed. Luis J. Ramos Gomez (2 vols, Madrid, 1985), 2, p. 29.
2. Above, pp. 227-8.
3. Fisher, Economic Aspects of Spanish Imperialism, p. 95.
4. Ibid., pp. 187-8; Bakewell, History of Latin America, pp. 257-8.
5. D. H. Brading, Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico, 1763-1810 (Cambridge, 1971), ch. 2, for possible explanations of the rise in output, and Bakewell, `Mining in Colonial Spanish America', CHLA, 2, ch. 4.
6. Anthony McFarlane, Colombia Before Independence. Economy, Society and Politics under Bourbon Rule (Cambridge, 1993), p. 73, with reference to gold mining in New Granada.
7. Guillermo Cespedes del Castillo, Ensayos sobre los reinos castellanos de Indias (Madrid, 1999), p. 210. Fisher, Economic Aspects of Spanish Imperialism, p. 64, suggests a figure of probably less than 75,000 out of a total population of 17 million directly involved in silver mining in the late eighteenth century
8. Brading, Haciendas and Ranchos, p. 18. This work is the classic study on eighteenthcentury developments in this region.
9. Anthony McFarlane, `Hispanoamerica bajo el gobierno de los Borbones: desarrollo economico y crisis politica', in Jose Manuel de Bernardo Ares (ed.), El hispanismo anglonorteamericano (Actas de la I Conferencia Internacional, Hacia un nuevo humanismo, 2 vols, Cordoba, 2001), 1, pp. 531-63, at pp. 562-3.
10. See Studnicki-Gizbert, `From Agents to Consulado', pp. 52-3.
11. Garner, `Long-Term Silver Mining Trends', p. 902.
12. Bakewell, History of Latin America, p. 198; CHLA, 2, p. 100.
13. Bakewell, History of Latin America, pp. 262-3; and above, p. 227.
14. Above, p. 217.
15. For the eighteenth-century population increase and its implications, see McCusker and Menard, Economy of British America, ch. 10; Richard B. Johnson, `Growth and Mastery: British North America, 1690-1748', in OHBE, 2, ch. 13; Jack P. Greene, Pursuits of Happiness (Chapel Hill, NC and London, 1988), pp. 177-84, and Negotiated Authorities, pp. 100-9. Herbert S. Klein, A Population History of the United States (Cambridge, 2004), ch. 2, provides a succinct survey of population trends over the colonial period.
16. McCusker and Menard, Economy of British America, p. 217.
17. See table 8.1 in Greene, Pursuits of Happiness, pp. 178-9.
18. Johnson, in OHBE, 2, p. 279.
19. McCusker and Menard, Economy of British America, p. 217.
20. Johnson in OHBE, 2, p. 280; McCusker and Menard, Economy of British America, pp. 231-4.
21. See A. Roger Ekirch, Bound for America. The Transportation of British Convicts to the Colonies, 1718-1775 (Oxford, 1987).
22. William Moraley, The In fortunate (1743), ed. Susan E. Klepp and Billy G. Smith (University Park, PA, 1992), p. 52.
23. James Horn, `British Diaspora: Emigration from Britain, 1680-1815', in OHBE, 2, ch. 2, p. 31.
24. Bernard Bailyn, Voyagers to the West (New York, 1986), p. 25.
25. See the chapter by Marianne Wokeck on German-speaking immigrants in Altman and Horn, `To Make America', ch. 7, and above, p. 213.
26. Moraley The Infortunate, p. 89. The same expression occurs in a letter written by Christopher Sauer in 1724 giving an early description of Pennsylvania. See Lemon, The Best Poor Man's Country, p. xiii.
27. The estimate, however, of just over 50,000 for the whole century, seems unrealistically small. See Magnus Morner on `Spanish Migration to the New World, Prior to 1800', in Chiappelli (ed.), First Images of America, 2, p. 742.
28. Chiappelli (ed.), First Images of America, 2, pp. 745-6; CHLA, 2, pp. 31-2; Rosario Marquez Macias, `La emigracion espanola en el siglo XVIII a America', Rabida, 10 (1991), pp. 68-79.
29. See Manuel Hernandez Gonzalez, Los canarios en la Venezuela colonial, 1670-1810 (Tenerife, 1999).
30. Canny (ed.), Europeans on the Move, p. 34; Weber, Spanish Frontier, pp. 182 and 192-3.
31. Jordi Nadal, La poblacion espanola (Siglos XV a XX) (2nd edn, Barcelona, 1984), table 12, p. 90.
32. CHLA, 2, pp. 32-3, citing Curtin. The figures for 1651-1750 given in table III of Eltis, `Volume and Structure of the Transatlantic Slave Trade', are much smaller - 53,400 - but there are many gaps, and the figures are for the direct trade from Africa, and do not include the large numbers of Africans shipped to Spanish America from receiving-points in the Caribbean.
33. McFarlane, Colombia Before Independence, pp. 66-7.
34. Ferry, Colonial Elite of Early Caracas, p. 72.
35. Thomas, Slave Trade, pp. 272-3; Klein, Slavery in the Americas, p. 150.
36. See chapter 8 (Artisans') by Lyman Johnson in Hoberman and Socolow (eds), Cities and Society, especially pp. 244-5.
37. Bakewell, Latin America, p. 256.
38. See the suggestive table of child mortality rates, although for the period after 1755, in Brading, Haciendas and Ranchos, p. 57.
39. Ibid., p. 177; CHLA, 2, pp. 23-5.
40. Marcello Carmagnani, `Colonial Latin American Demography: Growth of Chilean Population, 1700-1830', Journal of Social History, 1 (1967-8), pp. 179-91.
41. Above, p. 170.
42. McFarlane, Colombia Before Independence, p. 34; Carmagnani, `Colonial Latin American Demography', p. 187; Bakewell, Latin America, pp. 277-8.
43. McFarlane, Colombia Before Independence, pp. 34-8.
44. Figures for North America are taken from Bridenbaugh, Cities in the Wilderness, p. 303. Those for Spanish America from the table on p. 5 of Hoberman and Socolow (eds), Cities and Society. The figure for Quito, which does not appear on this table, comes from Martin Minchom, The People of Quito, 1690-1810 (Boulder, CO, 1994), p. 135. I owe this reference to the kindness of Professor Anthony McFarlane. For an acute analysis of variations in the rate of growth in leading North American cities in the eighteenth century, and in particular of the stagnation of Boston after 1740, see Jacob M. Price, `Economic Function and the Growth of American Port Towns in the Eighteenth Century', Perspectives in American History, 8 (1974), pp. 123-86.
45. McCusker and Menard, Economy of British America, p. 250.
46. Romano, Conjonctures opposees, p. 39-40 and table 3; CHLA, 2, p. 99, table 2.
47. Bridenbaugh, Cities in the Wilderness, p. 232.
48. Nash, Urban Crucible, pp. 63-5; Richard Middleton, Colonial America. A History, 1585-1776 (2nd edn, Oxford, 1996), p. 245.
49. Above, p. 173.
50. See ch. 10 ('The Underclass') by Gabriel Haslip-Vieira in Hoberman and Socolow (eds), Cities and Society, pp. 302-4.
51. Bridenbaugh, Cities in the Wilderness, p. 233; Fischer, Albion's Seed, p. 178; Richard Hofstadter, America at 1750. A Social Portrait (1971; repr., New York, 1973), pp. 26-7.
52. Rutman and Rutman, A Place in Time, pp. 195-203.
53. Bridenbaugh, Cities in the Wilderness, p. 238, and see also for poverty and poor relief in North America the essays in Billy G. Smith (ed.), Down and Out in Early America (University Park, PA, 2004).
54. Cambridge Economic History of the United States, 1, p. 152.
55. Manuel Carrera Stampa, Los gremios mexicanos (Mexico City, 1954); CHLA, 2, pp. 233-4; Hoberman and Socolow (eds), Cities and Society, pp. 236-9.
56. Emilio Harth-Terre and Alberto Marquez Abanto, `Perspectiva social y economica del artesano virreinal en Lima', Revista del Archivo National del Peru, 26 (1962), pp. 3-96, at p. 36; Hoberman and Socolow (eds), Cities and Society, pp. 240-1.
57. For examples of land dispute cases brought by the Indian communities of New Spain before the General Indian Court, see Borah, Justice by Insurance, pp. 128-42. See also, for a Mexican regional study, William B. Taylor, Landlord and Peasant in Colonial Oaxaca (Stanford, CA, 1972), ch. 3.
58. Since the days of Herbert Eugene Bolton and Frederick Jackson Turner the literature on the frontier in American society has become very large. See David J. Weber, `Turner, the Boltonians and the Borderlands', AHR, 91 (1986), pp. 66-81. For a recent overview of some of the major issues in debate, affecting both British and Iberian America, see the recent survey by Jeremy Adelman and Stephen Aron, `From Borderlands to Borders: Empires, Nation States, and the Peoples in Between in North American History', AHR, 104 (1999), pp. 814-41.
59. Peter Sahlins, Boundaries. The Making of France and Spain in the Pyrenees (Berkeley, Los Angeles, Oxford, 1989), pp. 2-7.
60. See Donna J. Guy and Thomas E. Sheridan (eds), Contested Ground. Comparative Frontiers on the Northern and Southern Edges of the Spanish Empire (Tucson, AZ, 1998), ch. 1.
61. Gregory Nobles, American Frontiers. Cultural Encounters and Continental Conquest (New York, 1997), pp. 60-2.
62. For expansion into the Ohio Valley, see Eric Hinderaker, Elusive Empires. Constructing Colonialism in the Ohio Valley, 1673-1800 (Cambridge, 1997).
63. Francis Jennings, The Ambiguous Iroquois Empire (New York and London, 1984), p. 367.
64. OHBE, 2, p. 362.
65. Lepore, The Name of War, p. xiii.
66. Fred Anderson, Crucible of War. The Seven Years' War and the Fate of Empire in British North America, 1754-1766 (London, 2000), pp. 11-12.
67. Jennings, Ambiguous Iroquois Empire, pp. 210-12.
68. Kammen, Colonial New York, p. 179.
69. Anderson, Crucible of War, pp. 17-18.
70. Crane, Southern Frontier, p. 111. For the Yamasee War, see Crane, ch. 7.
71. For Iroquois diplomacy, see Jennings, Ambiguous Iroquois Empire, and the more positive assessment of its achievements in Richard Aquila, The Iroquois Restoration. Iroquois Diplomacy on the Colonial Frontier, 1701-1754 (Lincoln, NE, London, 1983, repr. 1997).
72. Crane, Southern Frontier, p. 8.
73. J. Leitch Wright Jr., Anglo-Spanish Rivalry in North America (Athens, GA, 1971), pp. 69-70.
74. Guy and Sheridan (eds), Contested Ground, p. 3. For the `horse revolution' among the nomadic Indian tribes, see Hennessy, The Frontier, p. 63.
75. Solano and Bernabeu (eds), Estudios sobre la frontera, pp. 210-11.
76. John Hemming, `Indians and the Frontier in Colonial Brazil', CHLA, 2, ch. 13, at pp. 505-12. For the arming of the Indians, Solano and Bernabeu (eds), Estudios sobre la frontera, pp. 213-14; and above, p. 186 for the Jesuit missions.
77. Solano, Ciudades his panoamericanos, p. 30.
78. Manuel Lucena Giraldo, Laboratorio tropical. La expedition de limites al Orinoco, 1750-1767 (Caracas, 1993), pp. 48-58.
79. Jean Claude Roux, `De los limites a la frontera: o los malentendidos de la geopolitica amazonica', Revista de Indias, 61 (2001), pp. 513-39; and, for a map of the moving frontiers of Brazil, see Chaunu, L'Amerique et les Ameriques, map 6, p. 135.
80. Spicer, Cycles of Conquest, p. 282; Suarez Roca, Lingiiistica misionera, pp. 254-76. 81. Above, pp. 86-7.
82. The term `frontier of inclusion' seems to have been coined by a geographer, Marvin Mikesell, in 1960. See Weber, `Turner, the Boltonians and the Borderlands', n. 30.
83. For what follows, see the article on the Chilean frontier by Sergio Villalobos, reprinted in Solano and Bernabeu (eds), Estudios sobre la frontera, pp. 289-359; and above, p. 62.
84. Jennings, Ambiguous Iroquois Empire, pp. 242-8. The existence of treaties between Spaniards and Indians is often denied, but see the essay by David J. Weber, `Bourbons and Barbaros', in Christine Daniels and Michael N. Kennedy (eds), Negotiated Empires. Centers and Peripheries in the Americas, 1500-1820 (London, 2002), pp. 79-103, which provides evidence of their growing use. Also Abelardo Levaggi, Diplomacia hispanoindigena en las fronteras de America (Madrid, 2002).