Read The Emperor of All Maladies: A Biography of Cancer Online
Authors: Siddhartha Mukherjee
Tags: #Civilization, #Medical, #History, #Social Science, #General
The fine, fine wind
that takes its course through the chaos of the world
Like a fine, an exquisite chisel, a wedge-blade inserted . . .
—D. H. Lawrence
The developments of the summer of 1976 drastically reorganized the universe of cancer biology, returning genes, again, to its center. Harold Varmus and Michael Bishop’s proto-oncogene theory provided the first cogent and comprehensive theory of carcinogenesis. The theory explained how radiation, soot, and cigarette smoke, diverse and seemingly unrelated insults, could all initiate cancer—by mutating and thus activating precursor oncogenes within the cell. The theory made sense of Bruce Ames’s peculiar correlation between carcinogens and mutagens: chemicals that cause mutations in DNA produce cancers because they alter cellular proto-oncogenes. The theory clarified why the same kind of cancer might arise in smokers and nonsmokers, albeit at different rates: both smokers and nonsmokers have the same proto-oncogenes in their cells, but smokers develop cancer at a higher rate because carcinogens in tobacco increase the mutation rate of these genes.
But what did human cancer genes look like? Tumor virologists had found
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in viruses and then in cells, but surely other endogenous proto-oncogenes were strewn about in the human cellular genome.
Genetics has two distinct ways to “see” genes. The first is structural: genes can be envisioned as physical structures—pieces of DNA lined up along chromosomes, just as Morgan and Flemming had first envisioned them. The second is functional: genes can be imagined, à la Mendel, as the inheritance of traits that move from one generation to the next. In the decade between 1970 and 1980, cancer genetics would begin to “see” cancer-causing genes in these two lights. Each distinct vision would enhance the mechanistic understanding of carcinogenesis, bringing the field closer and closer to an understanding of the core molecular aberration in human
cancers.
Structure—anatomy—came first. In 1973, as Varmus and Bishop were launching their initial studies on
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, a hematologist in Chicago, Janet Rowley, saw a human cancer gene in a physical form.
Rowley’s specialty was studying
the staining patterns of chromosomes in cells in order to locate chromosomal abnormalities in cancer cells. Chromosome staining, the technique she had perfected, is as much an art as a science. It is also an oddly anachronistic art, like painting with tempera in an age of digital prints. At a time when cancer genetics was zooming off to explore the world of RNA, tumor viruses, and oncogenes, Rowley was intent on dragging the discipline back to its roots—to Boveri’s and Flemming’s chromosomes dyed in blue. Piling anachronism upon anachronism, the cancer she had chosen to study was chronic myelogenous leukemia (CML)—Bennett’s infamous “suppuration of blood.”
Rowley’s study was built on prior work by a duo of pathologists from Philadelphia who had also studied CML.
In the late 1950s, Peter Nowell
and David Hungerford had found an unusual chromosomal pattern in this form of leukemia: the cancer cells bore one consistently shortened chromosome. Human cells have forty-six chromosomes—twenty-three matched pairs—one inherited from each parent. In CML cells, Nowell found that one copy of the twenty-second chromosome had its head lopped off. Nowell called the abnormality the Philadelphia chromosome after the place of its discovery. But Nowell and Hungerford could not understand where the decapitated chromosome had come from, or where its missing “head” had gone.
Rowley, following this study, began to trace the headless chromosome in her CML cells. By laying out exquisitely stained photographs of CML chromosomes enlarged thousands of times—she typically spread them on her dining table and then leaned into the pictures, hunting for the missing pieces of the infamous Philadelphia chromosome—Rowley found a pattern. The missing head of chromosome twenty-two had attached itself elsewhere—to the tip of chromosome nine. And a piece of chromosome nine had conversely attached itself to chromosome twenty-two. This genetic event was termed a translocation—the flip-flop transposition of two pieces of chromosomes.
Rowley examined case after case of CML patients. In every single case, she found this same translocation in the cells. Chromosomal abnormalities in cancer cells had been known since the days of von Hansemann
and Boveri. But Rowley’s results argued a much more profound point. Cancer was not disorganized chromosomal chaos. It was
organized
chromosomal chaos: specific and identical mutations existed in particular forms of cancer.
Chromosomal translocations can create new genes called chimeras by fusing two genes formerly located on two different chromosomes—the “head” of chromosome nine, say, fused with the “tail” of a gene in chromosome thirteen. The CML translocation, Rowley postulated, had created such a chimera. Rowley did not know the identity or function of this new chimeric monster. But she had demonstrated that a novel, unique genetic alteration—later found to be an oncogene—could exist in a human cancer cell, revealing itself purely by virtue of an aberrant chromosome structure.
In Houston, Alfred Knudson, a Caltech-trained geneticist, also “saw” a human cancer-causing gene in the early 1970s, although in yet another distinct sense.
Rowley had visualized cancer-causing genes by studying the physical structure of the cancer cell’s chromosomes. Knudson concentrated monastically on the function of a gene. Genes are units of inheritance: they shuttle properties—traits—from one generation to the next. If genes cause cancer, Knudson reasoned, then he might capture a pattern in the inheritance of cancer, much as Mendel had captured the idea of a gene by studying the inheritance of flower color or plant height in peas.
In 1969, Knudson moved
to the MD Anderson Cancer Center in Texas, where Freireich had set up a booming clinical center for childhood cancers. Knudson needed a “model” cancer, a hereditary malignancy whose underlying pattern of inheritance would reveal how cancer-causing genes worked. The natural choice was retinoblastoma, the odd, rare variant of eye cancer that de Gouvêa had identified in Brazil with its striking tendency to erupt in the same family across generations.
Retinoblastoma is a particularly tragic form of cancer, not just because it assaults children but because it assaults the quintessential organ of childhood: the tumor grows in the eye. Afflicted children are sometimes diagnosed when the world around them begins to blur and fade. But occasionally the cancer is incidentally found in a child’s photograph when the eye, lit by a camera flash, glows eerily like a cat’s eyes in lamplight, revealing the tumor buried behind the lens. Left untreated, the tumor will crawl
backward from the eye socket into the optic nerve, and then climb into the brain. The primary methods of treatment are to sear the tumor with high doses of gamma radiation or to enucleate the eye surgically, leaving behind an empty socket.
Retinoblastoma has two distinct variants, an inherited “familial” form and a sporadic form. De Gouvêa had identified the familial form. Children who suffer from this familial or inherited form may carry strong family histories of the disease—fathers, mothers, cousins, siblings, and kindred affected—and they typically develop tumors in both eyes, as in de Gouvêa’s case from Rio. But the tumor also arises in children with no family history of the disease. Children with this sporadic form never carry a history in the family and always have a tumor in only one eye.
This pattern of inheritance intrigued Knudson. He wondered whether he could discern a subtle difference in the development of cancer between the sporadic and the inherited versions using mathematical analyses. He performed the simplest of experiments: he grouped children with the sporadic form into one cohort and children with the familial form in a second. And sifting through old hospital records, Knudson tabulated the ages in which the disease struck the two groups, then plotted them as two curves. Intriguingly, he found that the two cohorts developed the cancers at different “velocities.” In inherited retinoblastoma, cancer onset was rapid, with diagnosis typically two to six months after birth. Sporadic retinoblastoma typically appeared two to four years after birth.
But why did the same disease move with different velocities in different children? Knudson used the numbers and simple equations borrowed from physics and probability theory to model the development of the cancer in the two cohorts. He found that the data fit a simple model. In children with the inherited form of retinoblastoma, only one genetic change was required to develop the cancer. Children with the sporadic form required two genetic changes.
This raised another puzzling question: why was only one genetic
change needed to unleash cancer in the familial case, while two changes were needed in the sporadic form? Knudson perceived a simple, beautiful explanation. “
The number two,” he recalled
, “is the geneticist’s favorite number.” Every normal human cell has two copies of each chromosome and thus two copies of every gene. Every normal cell must have two normal copies of the retinoblastoma gene—
Rb.
To develop sporadic retinoblastoma, Knudson postulated, both copies of the gene needed to be inactivated through a mutation in each copy of the
Rb
gene. Hence, sporadic retinoblastoma develops at later ages because two independent mutations have to accumulate in the same cell.
Children with the inherited form of retinoblastoma, in contrast, are born with a defective copy of
Rb.
In their cells, one gene copy is already defective, and only a single additional genetic mutation is needed before the cell senses the change and begins to divide. These children are thus predisposed to the cancer, and they develop cancer faster, producing the “rapid velocity” tumors that Knudson saw in his statistical charts. Knudson called this the two-hit hypothesis of cancer. For certain cancer-causing genes, two mutational “hits” were needed to provoke cell division and thus produce cancer.
Knudson’s two-hit theory
was a powerful explanation for the inheritance pattern of retinoblastoma, but at first glance it seemed at odds with the initial molecular understanding of cancer. The
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gene, recall, requires a single activated copy to provoke uncontrolled cell division. Knudson’s gene required two. Why was a single mutation in
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sufficient to provoke cell division, while two were required for
Rb
?
The answer lies in the function of the two genes.
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activates
a function in cell division. The mutation in
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, as Ray Erikson and Hidesaburo Hanafusa had discovered, creates a cellular protein that is unable to extinguish its function—an insatiable, hyperactive kinase on overdrive that provokes perpetual cell division. Knudson’s gene,
Rb
, performs the opposite function. It
suppresses
cell proliferation, and it is the inactivation of such a gene (by virtue of two hits) that unleashes cell division.
Rb
, then, is a cancer
suppressor
gene—the functional opposite of
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—an “anti-oncogene,” as Knudson called it.
“
Two classes of genes are apparently critical
in the origin of the cancers of children,” he wrote. “One class, that of oncogenes, acts by virtue of abnormal or elevated activity. . . . The other class, that of anti-oncogenes [or tumor suppressors], is recessive in oncogenesis; cancer results when both normal copies have been mutated or deleted. Some persons carry one such mutation in the germline and are highly susceptible to tumor because only one somatic event is necessary. Some children, even though carrying no such mutation in the germline, can acquire tumor as a result of two somatic events.”
It was an exquisitely astute hypothesis spun, remarkably, out of statistical reasoning alone. Knudson did not know the molecular identity of his phantasmic anti-oncogenes. He had never looked at a cancer cell to “see” these genes; he had never performed a biological experiment to pin down
Rb.
Like Mendel, Knudson knew his genes only in a statistical sense. He had inferred them, as he put it, “as one might infer the wind from the movement of the trees.”