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[829]
Yi Pun, 237-238; Yu Song-nyong, 225;
Sonjo sujong sillok
, vol. 4, 159-160 (11/Sonjo 31; Dec. 1598);
Sonjo sillok
, vol. 25, 187-188 (27/11/Sonjo 31; Dec. 24, 1598); Park Yune-hee, 243-246; Jho Sung-do, 224-228; Yang Jae-suk,
Dashi ssunun
, 259-262.

[830]
Sonjo sillok
, vol. 25, 187-188 (27/11/Sonjo 31; Dec. 24, 1598).

[831]
Ibid., vol. 25, 182 (24/11/Sonjo 31; Dec. 21, 1598).

[832]
Ibid., vol. 25, 178-179 (21/11/Sonjo 31; Dec. 18, 1598); Turnbull,
Samurai Invasion
, 227.

[833]
Sonjo sillok
, vol. 25, 184 (25/11/Sonjo 31; Dec. 22, 1598) and 189 (28/11/Sonjo 31; Dec. 25, 1598).

[834]
Elisonas, “Trinity,” 290.

[835]
Goodrich, vol. 1, 172.

[836]
Yi Pun, 238-241; Yu Song-nyong, 226; Jho Sung-do, 230-232.

[837]
Sonjo sillok
, vol. 24, 57 (22/4/Sonjo 31; May 26, 1598).

[838]
Ibid., vol. 25, 112-114 (7-8/10/Sonjo 31; Nov. 5-6, 1598).

[839]
Bacon, “Chingbirok,” 9.

[840]
Hulbert, vol. 2, 45.

[841]
Ledyard, “Confucianism,” 114.

[842]
Goodrich, vol. 1, 172 and vol. 2, 967-968; Huang, “Lung-ch’ing,” 583.

[843]
Arthur Hummel, ed.,
Eminent Chinese of the Ch’ing Period
(Washington D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1943), 885-886; Ledyard, “Confucianism,” 112-113.

[844]
Bito Masahide, “Thought and Religion, 1550-1700,” in
The Cambridge History of Japan
, vol. 4,
Early Modern Japan
, ed. John Whitney Hall (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 393-395.

 

PART 6: AFTERMATH

[845]
Kim Jong-gil,
Slow Chrysanthemums. Classical Korean Poems in Chinese
(London: Anvil Press Poetry, 1987), 79.

 

Chapter 30: What Came Next

[846]
Movable type from Korea would remain in widespread use in Japan only until about 1625. Thereafter, as the Japanese publishing industry became increasingly commercial, publishers returned to the cheaper method of printing from carved wood blocks. According to modern research, eighty percent of the books published between 1593 and 1625 were printed with movable type. This figure fell to twenty percent between 1625 and 1650, and thereafter to nearly zero (Donald Shively, “Popular Culture,” in
The Cambridge History of Japan
, vol. 4,
Early Modern Japan
, ed. John Whitney Hall [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991], 726-727).

[847]
Etsuko Hae-jin Kang, 107-108; Tennant, 176.

[848]
Kuno, vol. 1, 173-174.

[849]
Tony Michell, “Fact and Hypothesis in Yi Dynasty Economic History: The Demographic Dimension,”
Korean Studies Forum
6 (Winter-Spring 1979/1980): 77-79; Palais,
Confucian Statecraft
, 366. By way of comparison, some one million Korean civilians died as a result of the Korean War of 1950-53.

[850]
Palais,
Confucian Statecraft
, 104. “In the mid-fifteen century households held parcels of land measured in
kyol
, not really a measure of land area but a constant measure of crop yield produced by an area that varied from 2.25 to 9.0 acres, depending on the fertility of the land” (ibid., 105-106).

[851]
Reconstruction of Kyongbok Palace would not begin until 1865. Until then the kings of Choson Korea resided at the smaller subsidiary palace of Changdok (Clark and Clark, 75).

[852]
James Palais, “A Search for Korean Uniqueness,”
Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies
55, no. 2 (Dec. 1995): 415.

[853]
Peter Lee,
Sourcebook
, vol. 1, 179.

[854]
Edwin Reischauer and John Fairbank,
East Asia: The Great Tradition
(Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960), 332-333. (1 tael = 1.3 ounces, or 36.855 grams.)

[855]
Jacques Gernet,
A History of Chinese Civilization
, trans. J. R. Foster (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 431.

[856]
Gale,
History
, 275-276.

[857]
“Fengshi Riben jilue (Brief Account of an Ambassadorial Mission to Japan),” in
Voices from the Ming-Qing Cataclysm
, trans. and ed. Lynn Struve (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1993), 114-121.

[858]
Charles Hucker,
China’s Imperial Past
(Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1975), 295.

[859]
Yi Pyong-gyu,
Ilsongnok
m quoted in James Palais,
Politics and Policy in Traditional Korea
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1975), 229-230.

[860]
John Whitney Hall, “The Bakuhan System,” in
The Cambridge History of Japan
, vol. 4,
Early Modern Japan
, ed. John Whitney Hall (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 144.

[861]
Toby, 25-35.

[862]
Elisonas, “Trinity,” 294-299.

[863]
Etsuko Hae-jin Kang, 115, 124, 119, and 121.

[864]
Tsuruta Kei, “The Establishment and Characteristics of the ‘Tsushima Gate,’”
Acta Asiatica
, 67 (1994): 39.

[865]
S.N. Eisenstadt,
Japanese Civilization: A Comparative View
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 185.

[866]
Turnbull,
Samurai Warfare
, 78-79.

[867]
Report by Commander John Rodgers, USN, to the Secretary of the Navy, in Noel Perrin,
Giving Up the Gun: Japan’s Reversion to the Sword, 1543-1879
(Boston: David R. Godine, 1979), 3-4.

[868]
Tsunoda and others,
Sources
, vol. 2, 592.

[869]
Marius Jansen,
The Making of Modern Japan
(Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap, 2000), 362.

[870]
Horace Allen to William Rockhill, Jan. 4, 1904, quoted in Peter Duus,
The Abacus and the Sword: The Japanese Penetration of Korea, 1895-1910
(Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1995), 189.

[871]
George Kennan writing in
Outlook
magazine, quoted in Marius Jansen,
Japan and China: From War to Peace, 1894-1972
(Chicago: Rand McNally, 1975), 124.

[872]
Son Key-young, “Seoul Criticizes Tokyo for Authorizing ‘Distorted’ Textbooks,
The Korea Times
, April 3, 2001; “Seoul’s Fury Stems From History,”
The Korea Times
, July 9, 2001.

[873]
Kanako Takahara, “Lawmakers’ Views of Past Still Plague Relations,”
The Japan Times
, Feb. 14, 2002.

[874]
Pak Chu-yong, “Imran gui-mudom kot tora-onda…Pak Sam-jung sunim chujinjung,”
Choson Ilbo
, Jan. 16, 1996; “Gui-mudom silche hwankukumjikim bongyokhwa,”
Choson Ilbo
, Jan. 16, 1996.

[875]
Nicholas D. Kristof, “Japan, Korea and 1597: A Year That Lives in Infamy,”
The New York Times
, Sept. 14, 1997, section 1.

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