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10
Quoted in Rubin, op. cit., p. 108.
11
Tabarant,
Manet et ses oeuvres,
p. 6 5.
12
Ibid., p. 67.
13
Zola,
The Masterpiece,
p. 327.
14
Fine Arts Quarterly Review,
October 1863.
15
Tabarant, op. cit., p. 67.
16
Le Salon de 1863,
May 20, 1863.
17
Fine Arts Quarterly Review,
October 1863.
18
Le Boulevard,
May 31, 1863;
Le Figaro,
May 31, 1863. Stevens's review was not without a certain bias: he was the brother of the painter Alfred Stevens, a good friend of Manet and his companions at the Café de Bade.
19
Wilson-Bareau, ed.,
Manet by Himself,
p. 16.
20
Théodore Duret,
Histoire de Édouard Manet et de son oeuvre
(Paris: Charpentier et Fasquelle, 1906), p. 38.
21
Le Courrier artistique,
May 30, 1863.
22
Le Siècle,
July 19, 1863;
La Patrie,
May 21, 1863.
23
Le Constitutionnel,
May 18, 1863. Similar complaints about the figures were voiced in
Le Figaro
(July 19, 1863) and
L 'Artiste
(August 15, 1863).
24
Quoted in Hamilton,
Manet and His Critics,
p. 45.
25
L 'Artiste,
August 15, 1863. The notion of
Le Déjeuner sur I'herbe
as a practical joke has persisted. For a discussion of the work as a huge prank, see Linda Nochlin,
The Politics of Vision: Essays on Nineteenth-Century Art and Society
(London: Thames & Hudson, 1991), pp. 13 ff. She claims the painting "must have seemed as full of protest and constituted as destructive and vicious a gesture as that of Marcel Duchamp when, in 1919, he painted a moustache on the Mona Lisa" (p. 14).
26
Le Constitutionnel,
May 18, 1863.
27
Alan Krell has argued that "there are no positive grounds to believe that the public considered the
Déjeuner
a moral affront verging on the scandalous": see "Manet's
Déjeuner sur I'herbe
in the Salon des Refusés: A Re-appraisal,"
Art Bulletin
65 (June 1983), p. 319. Nor, it seems, were the critics, apart from Chesneau, troubled by the painting's moral implications. As Krell writes elsewhere, "What we can say with some degree of certainty . . . is that the critics were not unanimous in declaring the juxtaposition of a naked woman with clothed men singularly offensive":
Manet and the Painters of Contemporary Life
(London: Thames & Hudson, 1996), p. 45.
28
Le Siècle,
July 19, 1863.
29
This connection has been pointed out by John House, "Manet and the De-Moralized Viewer," in Tucker, ed.,
Manet's "Le Déjeuner sur I'Herbe,
"p. 86.
30
Fine Arts Quarterly Review,
October 1863.
31
L'Indipéndance beige,
June 11, 1863.
32
Alan Krell has made a convincing case that Manet's painting received a better critical reception at the Salon des Refusés than has previously been recognized. See "Manet's
Déjeuner sur I'herbe
in the Salon des Refusés: A Re-appraisal," pp. 316—20.
33
Le Salon de 1863,
May 20, 1863.
34
Le Petit journal,
June 11, 1863.
35
Le Courrier artistique,
May 16, 1863.
36
Quoted in Georges Vigne,
Ingres,
trans. John Goodman (New York: Abbeville, 1995), p. 137.
37
Le Figaro,
September 16, 1855. The author of this review was Manet's friend Nadar, the photographer and aeronaut.
38
Quoted in Lorenz Eitner,
An Outline of 19th Century European Painting: From David through Ceianne
(New York: Harper & Row, 1987), p. 186.
39
Tabarant,
Manet et ses oeuvres,
p. 67.
40
Ibid.
41
Le Figaro,
May 24, 1863.
42
Quoted in Tabarant, op. cit., p. 68. Pelloquet (a pseudonym of Frédéric Bernard) was writing in a biweekly publication called
L'Exposition: Journal du Salon de 1863.
43
Quoted in Albert Boime, "The Salon des Refusés and the Evolution of Modern Art,"
The Art Quarterly
32 (1969), p. 414. Boime provides an excellent discussion of this battle between the "sketchers" and the "finishers" on pp. 414—15.
44
Quoted in ibid., p. 414.
Chapter Ten: Famous Victories
1
Burty, "La Vie de Meissonier," in Gustave Larroumet,
Meissonier
(Paris, 1895), p. 85.
2
Yriarte, "E. Meissonier," p. 829.
3
Verestchagín, "Reminiscences of Meissonier," p. 664.
4
Quoted in Gotlieb,
The Plight of Emulation,
p. 155.
5
For Dumas
file's
gift, see
Ernest Meissonier: Retrospective,
p. 79.
6
Yriarte, "E. Meissonier," p. 829.
7
History of the Consulate and the Empire of France Under Napoléon,
vol. 7, p. 362.
8
Ibid., p. 360.
9
Gréard,
Meissonier,
p. 41.
10
This scene is described in Thiers,
History of the Consulate and the Empire of France Under Napoléon,
vol. 7, p. 331.
11
Edmond and Jules de Goncourt,
Journal,
vol. 1, p. 138.
12
For elections during the Second Empire, see Alain Plessis,
The Rise and Fallof the Second Empire, 1852—1871,
trans. Jonathan Mandelbaum (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 23; and Théodore Zeldin,
The Political System of Napoléon III
(London: Macmillan, 1958), p. 87.
13
The Civil War in France,
in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels,
Collected Works,
37 vols., ed. Eric Hobsbawm et al. (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1975-1998), vol. 22, p. 316.
14
Le Moniteur universel,
August 2, 1863.
15
Salons (1857—1879),
2 vols. (Paris, 1892), vol. 2, p. 135.
16
A full discussion of these reforms and the motives behind them can be found in Albert Boime, "The Teaching Reforms of 1863 and the Origins of Modernism in France,"
The Art Quarterly,
vol. 1, new series (1977), pp. 1-39. He argues that Nieuwerkerke was acting in part out of his personal animosity toward the members of the Académie, with whom he had been quarreling throughout 1863 over the conservation of the Old Master paintings in the Louvre (see ibid., p. 27, note 16).
17
For Meissonier's regret at never gaining a post at the École des Beaux-Arts, see Gréard,
Meissonier,
p. 55.
18
Quoted in Timothy Wilson-Smith,
Delacroix: A Life
(London: Constable, 1992), p. 220. Wilson-Smith does not identify the offending member of the Institut.
Chapter Eleven: Young France
1
Quoted in Raymond Escholier,
Delacroix: Peintre, Graveur, Écrivain,
3 vols. (Paris: H. Floury, 1929), vol. 3, p. 266. For Delacroix's funeral, see also René Huyghe,
Delacroix,
trans. Jonathan Griffin (London: Thames & Hudson, 1963), pp. 7-8.
2
For the "Generation of 1830," see M. C. Sandhu, "Le Roiantisme: Problème de Generation,"
Nineteenth-Century French Studies,
vol. 8 (Spring—Summer 1980), pp. 206—17. Sandhu argues that the "Generation of 1830" was the first to have perceived itself as a generation, to have organized itself in a revolt against the existing society—i.e., the older generation—and, in doing so, to have developed a kind of counterculture. The Generation of 1830 is also discussed at length in Arnold Hauser,
The Social History of Art,
2 vols., trans. Stanley Godman (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1951), vol. 2, pp. 714-68.
3
Quoted in Huyghe,
Delacroix,
p. 8.
4
Gréard,
Meissonier,
p. 9.
5
For Meissonier's intoxication with Alfred de Vigny et al., see ibid., p. 8.
Les Jeunes-France
is the title of Gautier's collection of stories published in 1833.
6
On this transaction, see Brombert,
Édouard Manet,
p. 120.
7
A Tramp Abroad
(Cologne: Konemann, 2000), p. 406.
8
La Lumière,
November 29, 1856.
9
On these matters, see Elizabeth Anne McCauley's superb study,
Industrial Madness: Commercial Photography in Paris, 1848—1871
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994).
10
On Nadar, see McCauley,
Industrial Madness,
pp. 105-48, as well as Nadar's autobiography,
Quand j'etais photographe,
ed. Jean-François Bory (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1994).
11
Quoted in Alan Krell, "The Fantasy of
Olympia" Connoisseur
195 (August 1977), p. 298.
12
Quoted in Tabarant,
Manet et ses oeuvres,
p. 79.
13
For Manet's progress in painting Olympia, see Juliet Wilson-Bareau,
The Hidden Face of Manet,
pp. 44—5.
14
Krell,
Manet and the Painters of Contemporary Life,
p. 59.
15
For the literary allusions in the name Olympia, see Théodore Reff,
Manet: "Olympia"
(London: Allen Lane, 1976), pp. m—12.
16
Work remains to be done in this area, but for discussions of the possible influences of photography on Manet's work, see ibid., pp. 79 ff.; and Aaron Scharf,
Art and Photography
(London: Allen Lane, 1968), pp. 42—9.
17
For a discussion of the Japanese influence in Manet's work, see Klaus Berger,
Japonisme in Western Painting from Whistler to Matisse,
trans. David Britt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 20-33.
18
The Illustrated London News,
October 10, 1863.
19
For this stipulation, see Brombert,
Édouard Manet,
p. 135.
20
Quoted in ibid., p. 136.
21
For Jules Vibert, see E. Bénézit, ed.,
Dictionnaire critique et documentaire des Peintres, Sculpteurs, Dessinateurs et Graveurs,
14 vols. (Paris: Grund, 1999), vol. 14.
22
Vollard,
Recollections of a Picture Dealer,
p. 154.
23
Correspondance de Baudelaire,
2 vols., ed. Claude Pichois (Paris: Gallimard, 1973), vol. 2, p. 323.
Chapter Twelve: Deliberations
1
For the "subtle conspiracy" whereby Louis-Napoléon fashioned a visual style sympathetic to his regime through the inducement of such purchases, many of them made by the Due de Morny, see Albert Boime, "The Second Empire's Official Realism," in Gabriel P. Weisberg, ed.,
The European Realist Tradition
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1983), pp. 31-123.
2
Quoted in Gréard,
Meissonier,
p. 88.
3
For contemporary reviews of Meissonier's
Remembrance of Civil War,
see Hungerford,
Ernest Meissonier,
pp. 52—63.
4
For the argument that Morny deliberately co-opted Meissonier, I am indebted to the discussion in Boime, "The Second Empire's Official Realism," pp. 102—4. Boime argues that the Meissonier of
Remembrance of Civil War
"was a potential threat to the Second Empire ideology and had to be brought into the fold" (p. 103).
5
For this work, see Gréard,
Meissonier,
p. 378.
6
Quoted in Tabarant,
Manet et ses oeuvres,
p. 82. On this matter, see the discussion in Boime, "The Salon des Refusés and the Evolution of Modern Art," p. 416. Boime argues that the administration manipulated the adjudication process and the Salon des Refusés of 1864 "so as to forestall critical comment from press and public" (p. 416).

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