The Silk Road: A New History (29 page)

The Eastern Market tended to specialize in domestic goods, while the Western Market offered more foreign goods, many delivered by camel trains. Shops selling the same goods clustered together on narrow roads called
hang
. (Even today the Chinese word for expert is
neihang,
“inside the row,” and for a layman
waihang,
“outside the row.”) The Eastern Market had 220 different groups of shops selling different wares including Chinese brushes, iron goods, cloth, meat, wine, and printed materials. The Western Market offered foodstuffs as well as leather goods, like bridles and saddles, and jewelry and precious stones from all over Eurasia. The markets were packed with goods; a fire in 843 destroyed four thousand dwellings in twelve different rows of the Eastern Market.
²⁴

Visitors to the markets enjoyed restaurants, wine shops, food stands, and brothels, and traveling merchants could store their goods in warehouses, deposit their money in bank-like institutions, and stay at inns, some with as many as twenty rooms. The dispute between the Sogdian merchant Cao Rokhshan and the Chinese merchant Li Shaojin, discussed in
chapter 3
, illustrates how the Chinese courts handled a dispute between Chinese and non-Chinese; they applied Chinese law. Tang-dynasty law stipulated that if foreigners from the same country committed a crime against each other, the law of their homeland would apply, but if foreigners of different nationalities were involved, then Chinese law would apply.
²⁵
Recall that both men lived in the capital and traveled to the northwest on business.

Many travelers came to visit the Tang capital of Chang’an, home to some 960,000 people living in 300,000 households, according to the official history of the Tang.
²⁶
In a population of one million people, the majority of the residents were Chinese, but a sizable foreign community lived in the city as well, concentrated around the Western Market.
²⁷
Some foreigners settled in China as the result of treaties. In 631, after the Eastern Turks surrendered to the Tang, nearly ten thousand households were ordered to move to Chang’an, and many of these households were Sogdians in the service of the Turks.
²⁸
When the Tang forces conquered different Central Asian kingdoms, they required their former rulers to send their sons to Chang’an as hostages, further swelling the numbers of foreigners in the city. Perhaps the most famous refugees were the descendants of the Sasanian emperors who fled Iran after the fall of their capital at Ctesiphon to Muslim forces in 651. The last Sasanian emperor, Yazdegerd III, died while in flight, but his son Peroz and grandson Narseh both moved permanently to the city.
²⁹

These immigrants brought their religious practices with them. At least five, maybe six, Zoroastrian temples stood in the city, four around the Western Market.
³⁰
A single Christian church, affiliated with the Church of the East, was located just north of the Western Market. In modern Xi’an, the Forest of Steles (Beilin) Museum houses hundreds of stone tablets found all over China, the most famous of which, often referred to as the Nestorian stele, provides a history of Christianity under the Tang dynasty.
³¹

According to this tablet, the first Christian to arrive in Chang’an was a man named Aluohan; dispatched by the patriarchate in Seleucia-Ctesiphon (in modern-day Iraq) in 635, he established the earliest outpost of the Church of the East in China.
³²
The founding of this church coincided with a mass migration of Persians from their homeland in Iran, then under siege by Muslim armies, to China and other points east. Seventy names, in Syriac script with Chinese transcriptions, along with these individuals’ positions in the church hierarchy, follow the main inscription. Some of the names, like Hope of Jesus, are unmistakably Christian, while others, such as Given by the Moon God Mah, are originally derived from Zoroastrianism but had become common names used throughout Mesopotamia. Each of the names has a Chinese transcription. It seems likely that most of the seventy signatories were foreign, not Chinese.

VESTIGES OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE TANG CAPITAL
Headed by a cross with four even sections, which was commonly used by the Church of the East, this text was carved onto a stone stele in 781. Discovered in 1625, the rubbing was shown by a Chinese official to Jesuit missionaries, who were overjoyed to learn that they were not the first Christian missionaries in China. They sent the rubbing to Europe, and by the 1670s both the Chinese and Syriac-language portions of the text had been translated. Cultural Relics Publishing House.

The Church of the East established churches in a few major Chinese cities: Chang’an, Luoyang, Guangzhou (Canton), and possibly in a few other places. Members of the Church of the East, largely Iranians and Sogdians, received the support of the Tang dynasty throughout the seventh and eighth centuries, but in 845 the Tang emperor issued a ban whose primary target was Buddhism but included Christianity as well. Buddhism survived, but the Church of the East did not.

No traces of this or any other religious institutions survive in today’s Xi’an. In fact, the aboveground city of Xi’an contains remarkably few structures from Chang’an at its peak during the Tang. The visitor will look in vain for remnants of the glorious wide avenues. The wall one sees today is very large—so large that one can ride a bicycle or drive a golf cart on top of it—but it dates to the Ming dynasty (1368–1644), not the Tang. The only Tang-dynasty structures still standing are two brick towers: the Big Goose Pagoda and the Small Goose Pagoda. Emperor Taizong built the Big Goose Pagoda to house the books Xuanzang brought back from India; Xuanzang supervised a team of translators there.

Only below ground, in tombs, can one hope to find a taste of the city’s past glory. Unlike other sites on the Silk Road, Xi’an’s climate is moister than that of the Taklamakan, so that buried paper eventually disintegrates. Still, thanks to the reuse of waste paper, a fascinating set of receipts from a pawnshop in Chang’an has survived in the arms of a figurine excavated in the Astana graveyard at Turfan. The documents mention several place-names unique to the Tang capital and so are almost certainly from Chang’an.

Craftsmen based in the Tang capital used discarded pawn slips to make the figurines that were subsequently placed in the joint grave of a man and his wife buried at Astana.
³³
The husband died in 633, before the Chinese conquest of 640, and the wife more than fifty years later in 689. The figurine’s fine brocade clothing and carefully worked head, pictured in color plate 8, also look as though they were produced in a workshop in the capital. The place-names mentioned in the documents have dated the pawnshop tickets to between 662, when the Guanyin Monastery changed its name, and 689, when the wife was buried in the joint tomb.

The discarded pawn tickets show how the ordinary inhabitants of Chang’an made ends meet during the seventh century. Each ticket follows the same format: item pawned, name of borrower, date (month and day, not year), the amount of money loaned, the amount of money paid back, the address and (sometimes) the age of the borrower. The slips list twenty-nine people by name yet give the occupations of only two individuals: one was a dyer and another made hairpins. When the pawned item was returned, the pawnshop employees cancelled the transaction by drawing a line (in the shape of a 7) across the ticket. Fifteen sheets of paper record fifty-four transactions (the last sixteen are incomplete), which are the earliest surviving pawnshop records found in China to date. In almost all of the transactions the borrower deposited an item of clothing (sometimes silk, sometimes simply cloth) or a piece of cloth (also used as a form of currency during the Tang) and received a certain number of coins, usually around a hundred, in exchange. Only two transactions involved goods besides clothing or cloth; one borrower put up a bronze mirror against a loan of seventy coins, while another presented four strings of pearls for 150 coins. The borrowers paid interest at a rate of 5 percent each month, which was within the limits set by Tang law (and far lower than the rates paid by borrowers in Turfan during the same period).

A second set of records, also preserved as part of a figurine, suggests that those frequenting the pawnshop near the Guanyin Monastery were relatively well off. These list a total of 608 transactions, even small loans, made by Chang’an shops to city dwellers who paid with “medicine, cloth, beans, and wheat bran.” One-fourth of these transactions were made by women, evidence that the female residents of the capital did leave their homes, even if Confucian ideals portrayed virtuous women as always staying inside.
³⁴

Another surprise find, this time from the capital itself, offers insight into those at the opposite end of the social spectrum, the wealthiest of the city’s dwellers.
³⁵
In 1970, during the Cultural Revolution, Xi’an archeologists uncovered two clay pots (25 inches, or 64 cm high) and one silver pot (10 inches, or 25 cm high) in Hejiacun, or Hejia Village, then in the southern suburbs. They were buried about 1 yard (.9 m) under the ground and 1 yard (.9 m) apart from each other. At the time, the authorities were building a detention center; a hostel for government officials now occupies the unmarked site. The three pots held over one thousand different items including gold and silver artifacts, precious gems and minerals, medicines, and an extraordinary coin collection. If the collection originally included more fragile items, like textiles or books, they have not survived. One of the largest hoards of buried treasure ever found in China, the Hejia Village collection certainly contains the most valuable and the most beautifully worked Silk Road artifacts.

No definitive evidence of the owner’s identity survives. Almost everyone assumes that the hoard’s owner intended to come back after some kind of disturbance—a rebellion? bandit attacks? a natural disaster?—but never did. The hoard was buried in a quarter approximately 0.6 miles (1 km) east of the Western Market and 2 miles (3 km) west of the Eastern Market. The best clue to the hoard’s date is several silver biscuits with labels identifying them as tax payments. Before 780 the Tang dynasty required that its subjects pay three different types of taxes:
zu
(rent in grain),
yong
(corvée labor), and
diao
(cloth), but districts were allowed to substitute other goods. Four round silver biscuits, about 4 inches (10 cm) in diameter and weighing over 14 ounces (400 grams), are incised with crude characters that identify them as tax payments from two subprefectures in Guangdong Province. One is dated 722; three are dated 731. Inscriptions on these biscuits give their exact weights as well as the names of the officials who weighed them.

After the authorities received such biscuits, they melted them down into larger lumps, the largest weighing over 17 pounds (8 kg), which were labeled in black ink with the name of the storehouse where they were held—the Eastern Market Storehouse—and their weight and the official who weighed them.
³⁶
Because central government officials melted down the biscuits they received from localities to make these larger lumps, it seems most likely that the hoard was buried not long after 731, the latest date on the biscuits. Many of the intricately worked gold and silver bowls in the collection bear similar labels, always in black ink, giving their weight, an indication that they, too, were held in a government storehouse. Government officials apparently stored tax silver at three different stages in its life cycle: when it was first mined and submitted by various localities, after it had been melted into large lumps, and finally after it had been worked into gold and silver vessels.

TABLE 5.1 HEJIACUN VILLAGE FIND CHART