The War of 1812 (13 page)

The people of Canada, especially Upper Canada, were more affected by the war in 1813 than they had been in 1812. Along the St. Lawrence, at York, and all through the Niagara Peninsula and the Western District, homes, businesses, and crops were destroyed.

Out of 625 people in York, twenty-two later asked the government to compensate them for losses suffered during the American occupation. According to their claims, the Americans had helped themselves to everything from kitchen tools, bedding, and clothing to silverware, books, and medical instruments. Ely Playter hid in the woods when the Americans came to his farmhouse on Yonge Street and watched helplessly as they took his sword, razors, powder horn, shot pouch, jewellery, and clothing. W.W. Baldwin sent his silverware to be hidden in a friend's barn out of town before the invaders arrived. Those who stayed in their homes were not molested by the Americans who looted empty houses, but several storeowners suffered losses even though they were present.

The Americans gave some of the articles they took to Canadians in the town, possibly in the hope of winning their support. This was probably why the magistrates issued a warning on April 30 reminding the townspeople that it was treason to aid the enemy.

The problems of lawlessness and disloyalty were even greater in the Niagara Peninsula and western Upper Canada. American troops encouraged any residents willing to aid them. Farms were looted not only by Americans but by a few traitors as well. The most notorious of these was Joseph Willcocks, who had come from Ireland to Upper Canada about 1800. When he went over to the Americans, Willcocks formed a corps called the Canadian Volunteers. They rode about the Niagara Peninsula doing whatever they could to help the Americans. Two other prominent men who deserted to the invaders were Abraham Markle and Benajah Mallory. Both, like Willcocks, had once been members of the Upper Canada assembly.

These men and others like them may have had good reasons for discontent with the government of Upper Canada, but their conduct during the war was dishonourable. They tried to weaken the province's defences by encouraging others to desert and by capturing militia officers and supplies. They plundered and destroyed property and harmed people who had been their neighbours.

In November, a band of renegades including Mallory was surprised by a group of Norfolk militia in a house near Port Dover. Several were killed in the fight that followed, some escaped, and eighteen were taken prisoner. Four would be hanged in 1814 for treason. Unfortunately, the militia were not usually this successful in protecting people and preventing raids. Many peaceful farmers in the Western District suffered, and their troubles would increase in 1814.

There appears to have been no problem of traitors in Lower Canada or the Maritime provinces. People there who may have favoured the American cause did not have American troops to support them. If they did not leave the provinces, they kept quiet.

The increased amount of fighting on Canadian soil had other direct effects on the people. Every battle left dead and wounded to be taken care of. The British army had medical men but never enough. Civilians usually had to help. Militiamen had to be looked after by their families. This meant that many families had the burdens of caring for a wounded man as well as those of working the farm. The Secords in Queenston are an example. In their case as in many others, the extra load fell upon the women of the household.
Fortunately for the people, these women had often had experience dating from pre-war times of taking care of the home, farm, or business when adult men were absent. Also, if a man was killed or taken prisoner, the family might receive some financial help from the Loyal and Patriotic Society and the government.

The arrival of more and more soldiers and sailors in Canada meant more sales of food, hay for horses, and wood for buildings and ships. The farmers, merchants, and workers of Upper Canada benefitted. Those who owned wagons and horses or oxen to pull them also were given plenty of employment.

Yet, these economic gains were more than offset by the increasing strains that the war imposed on the inhabitants' patience, courage, and loyalty. At times, the government did not have the cash to pay for supplies it purchased. Payment was promised . . . sometime in the future. This could mean a wait of months or even years. As late as March 1814, some farmers had still not been paid for supplies sold in 1812. Meanwhile, these people had to make their living and pay their bills. Militiamen, and occasionally soldiers, were not always paid on time either.

Shortages of pay, food, and clothing increased discontent among the militia. Even the most loyal citizen could not devote all his time to militia duty. In May, Prevost reported some militiamen deserting not because they were disloyal but because they wanted to return to their farms to plant crops. Militiamen at York and in the Western and Niagara districts also gave their parole to the Americans. This meant that they promised not to fight; in a sense they were regarded as prisoners of war even though they continued to live at home. Some men willingly gave their parole perhaps because they were pro-American or perhaps simply to avoid being killed or injured. In September, Prevost warned against this practice and threatened to send these people to the United States.

The first use of martial law also showed the increasing strain of the war. When Procter found farmers refusing to sell him produce for the troops, he proclaimed partial martial law. This meant that the people came under military law and were required to sell supplies to the army. At different times, Prevost authorized Sheaffe and Rottenburg to impose martial law but neither acted until November when the latter proclaimed martial law in the Eastern and Johnstown districts (along the St. Lawrence) in order to force farmers to sell him supplies. The assembly subsequently passed a resolution protesting that “arbitrary and unconstitutional measure.”
¹⁸

The government's use of martial law does not indicate that it wanted to destroy the people's freedom. Nor does it indicate that the people were in rebellion against the government. What it shows is that the British commanders were worried and very nervous. They feared they would lose the province. It also shows that the ordinary people were not warlike. They were weary of warfare and wanted to return to normal, peaceful life. In spite of the defeat of two major American invasions, in spite of the good service by the militia, 1813 ended unhappily.

For the British and their allies, 1814 began with the prospect of hard fighting ahead in France, but with the strong possibility that Napoleon would finally be defeated. He had almost reached the limits of French manpower, whereas the already powerful forces against him were gaining in strength. In spite of the burdens of war in Europe, Britain was now able to give more attention to the struggle in America. Yet the British government had no wish to continue the war with the United States. In November 1813, Foreign Secretary Lord Castlereagh had sent a letter to President Madison suggesting peace negotiations. The message had arrived in the United States on December 30 along with the news of Napoleon's defeat at Leipzig. Fearing that the British would soon be able to send massive land and naval forces to North America, Madison was eager to seek peace. In January 1814, Congress agreed to his proposal to negotiate, and delegates were sent to Europe.

The war against Napoleon entered its final stage as allied armies invaded France itself. From the north came German, Austrian, Prussian, and other troops, Wellington's army broke in from Spain to the south and an Austrian force threatened to attack from Italy in the east. Napoleon still won battles, but he was steadily losing the war. On March 31, the allies captured Paris. Soon afterwards, Napoleon gave up.

After April, therefore, the British navy was freed from fighting duties in Europe. Fewer troops were needed there, and reinforcements and
supplies could be sent across the Atlantic. By July, the government would send to Canada fourteen regiments of Wellington's veterans along with several experienced generals.

Soon afterwards, in Ghent, Belgium, British-American negotiations would begin in earnest and each side would make tough demands on the other, each wanting to gain as much as it could from the peace treaty. As a result, the months would pass while the delegates talked. Meanwhile, many fierce battles would be fought on land and water. And the British position would grow stronger.

As the third year of the war opened, the American government's planning continued to display confusion. Armstrong decided to disperse the army camped at French Mills on the Lower Canadian border. When these troops marched away they abandoned huge amounts of stores and provisions. The British commander at Cornwall sent a small force to secure these materials and another detachment to recover goods that the Americans had captured on the St. Lawrence in October 1813 but had failed to return as promised. Heavily laden sleighs brought the goods to the river and they were boated over to the Canadian side. As a result of one of these expeditions, each private who had participated received thirteen shillings in prize money when the goods were eventually sold. British and Canadian forces were able to carry out these expeditions in American territory just south of the St. Lawrence because all United States troops had been withdrawn. Armstrong wanted to concentrate forces at Plattsburgh where they came under the command of Major-General George Izard and at Sackets Harbor where Major-General Jacob Brown, commander of the New York frontier west to Pennsylvania, had his headquarters.

In March, Armstrong proposed that Brown attack Kingston and also move troops to give an appearance of supporting an invasion by Brigadier-General Winfield Scott across the Niagara River. Chauncey and Brown decided conditions were not suitable for an attack on Kingston, and so Brown marched most of the troops to the Niagara frontier. But that was the secondary objective and Brown had no clear directions about what to attack. When he received a call for help from Brigadier-General Edmund Gaines at Sackets Harbor, he hurried back, leaving the troops behind.

Soon the American cabinet began to reconsider the strategy of threatening Kingston and Montreal. First, the failure of Wilkinson's invasion seemed to prove that the route to Montreal was too strongly defended. On March 30, he crossed the border with four thousand men and seized Odelltown, north of Lake Champlain. A few kilometres further, he came up to a stone-walled mill at Lacolle defended by a small number of British regulars, marines, and Lower Canadian militia (including Voltigeurs). When he found that his guns inflicted no damage on the mill, he quickly broke off his attack and retreated across the border. This ended his unimpressive military career; General Izard replaced him. Second, the Americans could not attack on Lake Ontario because the British achieved superiority there by launching two new frigates in April. The next month, Yeo and Drummond attacked Oswego, capturing supplies and weapons. Yeo then used his ships to blockade Sackets Harbor to prevent the Americans bringing guns and other equipment for the ships under construction there.

By this time, with Napoleon's defeat in Europe, the Americans knew that large British reinforcements would soon be on the way to Canada. They had to act in an area where they had superiority, but it took the cabinet until June to decide that the main attacks should be against the Niagara Peninsula and Michilimackinac. The original plan was for Brown to land on the north shore of Lake Erie and head for Burlington. If he captured it, he was to advance to York and then Kingston. Meanwhile, the cabinet also decided to send troops from Detroit against Michilimackinac, continuing a tendency to disperse forces rather than concentrating them against a main objective. Armstrong suggested to Brown that while he waited for Chauncey to seize control of Lake Ontario, he might attack Fort Erie and if successful, advance towards Chippawa and Fort George.

If Brown captured it, he was to advance against Burlington and then York. Yet the tendency to disperse forces rather than concentrating them against the main objective was shown when the cabinet decided to send troops from Detroit against Michilimackinac instead of taking Armstrong's advice to shift them to Brown's army on the Niagara.

The plan to gain control of the Niagara Peninsula rested on American control of Lake Erie and Chauncey's promise to have his fleet out on Lake Ontario early in July. He expected to have two new ships ready by then, which would give him superiority over Yeo's fleet. Yet even if all these American plans succeeded, they would not
achieve a decisive victory in the war. For that objective the best strategy would still have been to cut the St. Lawrence route.

The British government followed a simple and sensible strategy, perhaps because it could not do much else. It sought to defend Canada by sending more soldiers, sailors, and supplies. Prevost and Drummond were determined to hold on to Fort Niagara and to improve defences along the frontier. To this end they built a small fort on the Lake Ontario shore near Fort George, calling it Fort Mississauga, and another on top of Queenston Heights, calling it Fort Drummond. Finally, the government planned attacks on the United States so that Britain would be in a stronger position when the final peace settlement was made.

The early months of 1814 saw little fighting along the border. The Americans were busy making plans and trying to collect, organize, and train troops. In Canada, both Prevost and Drummond were occupied with political matters in their legislatures until March. As well, they were waiting for reinforcements and supplies from Britain.

Until July, the main events were raids rather than battles. In February, troops and militia raided American posts across the St. Lawrence. On May 30, Commander Stephen Popham led nearly two hundred sailors and marines up Sandy Creek (near Sackets Harbor) to attack American boats taking guns and other ships' supplies to Chauncey. However, the Americans had a stronger force, including Indians. They ambushed Popham, forcing him to surrender. The loss of these men to Yeo was serious, for he could not quickly replace experienced seamen. The American supplies got through, Chauncey was able to complete his shipbuilding, and so Yeo ended his blockade.