Authors: Wesley B. Turner
The original American strategy for this year had envisaged a major thrust from Lake Champlain against Montreal and another from Detroit against Upper Canada. But it was not until November that General Dearborn finally attacked Canada. He marched six thousand regulars and militia north from Plattsburgh and they began crossing the border on the 20th. The defenders had plenty of warning. Lieutenant-Colonel Charles de Salaberry led his Canadian Voltigeurs and three hundred Mohawks to meet the enemy. Not far to the rear Major-General Baron Francis de Rottenburg commanded more than five thousand regulars and militia, but they were not needed that day. The Voltigeurs and Indians clashed with the Americans, who became confused and began firing at each other. The Vermont and New York Militia refused to cross the border. Dearborn recalled his troops and retreated to Plattsburgh, ending his campaigning for the year.
The only promising development for the Americans occurred on Lake Ontario. Captain Isaac Chauncey of the United States Navy arrived at Sackets Harbor in October to take command of American naval efforts on lakes Ontario and Erie. Men and supplies were waiting for him and he set to work to create a strong naval force. By November 8, he was ready with seven warships. He chased the
Royal George
into Kingston harbour but could not attack it because of the guns on shore. The
Royal George
, however, had to remain there, and other vessels had to remain at York, until winter ended the navigation season. In effect, Chauncey controlled Lake Ontario at the end of 1812. His force was increased by the launching of the twenty-four-gun
Madison
on November 26. It was bigger and carried more guns than any other ship on the lake.
What happened in the Maritime colonies during 1812? Very little. Sherbrooke learned on June 29 of the declaration of war and, at the same time, of the wish of his neighbours in New England to continue normal trade. He issued a proclamation forbidding warfare against New England either on land or sea. But these good neighbourly attitudes did not last.
In June, the United States government authorized the licensing of privateers and, after President Madison refused to agree to a truce, the British government ordered the same action. This meant that private ship owners could get a licence to arm their vessels and raid enemy shipping. Privateers rarely attacked warships. They preferred the less risky and more profitable merchant ships of the enemy. Captured ships and their cargoes would be sold and the captors would receive a share of the money.
Both sides made use of privateers because governments would not have to spend money on warships and crews but, instead, could rely on the profit motive to spur ship owners and sailors. The Americans sent out some five hundred privateers, two hundred of whom brought in over 1,300 prizes while, simultaneously, U.S. Navy ships brought in 165. From New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, more than thirty privateers sailed and returned with over two hundred captures. All this warfare interfered with ocean commerce and made some people wealthy but did little to defeat either opponent.
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Royal Navy warships had begun patrolling the American coast as soon as war was declared. They did not intend to stop all shipping but rather to catch American privateers or warships that sailed out. A few vessels of the small American navy managed to slip past the British patrols and soon began to capture merchant vessels and even British warships. In July, a British squadron failed to catch the U.S. Navy frigate
Constitution
after chasing it for three days. The next month, the
Constitution
fought the British frigate
Guerriere
in the first major sea battle of the war. For over two hours they fired at each other until the
Guerriere
surrendered. This single-ship victory was followed by others during 1812 and made Americans proud of their navy. It showed that individual ships of the most powerful navy in the world could be beaten. Such victories would not defeat the Royal Navy or win the war, but the successes of the
Constitution
, the
United States
, the
Essex
, and the
Wasp
contrasted with the miserable failures of American armies.
How had the war affected the people of British North America? Those in the Maritime colonies noticed little difference except an increase in naval and military activity at Halifax â which meant more business for merchants.
In Lower Canada, more people were affected because Prevost called out the militia. In a few parishes near Montreal some men at first refused to serve, but in general the militia muster proceeded peacefully. Lower Canada suffered no destruction in 1812. Rather, there was increased prosperity for farmers, merchants, and tavern keepers doing business with the British forces.
It was in Upper Canada that the Americans inflicted property damage and casualties. Neither was great, but the attacks and losses affected the attitudes of the people and government towards the war. At first many people hoped to be neutral or even favoured the Americans. They began to change this view as they experienced invasion and as their militiamen were killed, wounded, or captured.
Once the fighting began, the Upper Canadian government was able to take stronger action against those who refused to serve in the militia or who declared support for the United States. After the victory at Detroit, Brock proclaimed that any militiaman refusing to take the oath of allegiance would be punished. In November, Sheaffe set up boards to question people who claimed to be United States citizens and, therefore, exempt from military duty. The boards were to decide whether these people would be sent across the border or allowed to remain in Upper Canada.
Loyal residents of Upper Canada began to express their feelings more openly. In December, the Loyal and Patriotic Society was formed at York to provide winter clothing for the militia. Later in the war, it would give help to people who had suffered from the fighting. It would be supported by donations from Upper Canadians and from people in other colonies and in Britain.
By the end of 1812 two ideas were developing among Upper Canadians that contributed to a sense of patriotism. One was the regard for Brock as a great “Canadian” hero. The other is known as the “militia myth”: it was the belief that the Canadian militia, rather than British regulars or Indians, were mainly responsible for saving Upper Canada from American conquest. This notion may have arisen as a result of a speech that Reverend John Strachan gave at York:
It will be told by the future Historian, that the Province of Upper Canada, without the assistance of men or arms, except a handful of regular troops, repelled its invaders, slew or took them all prisoners, and captured from its enemies the greater
part of the arms by which it was defended. . . . Our militia . . . have twice saved the country.
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In reality, the militia's role in 1812 had been small. Throughout the war, in fact, the militia would be a significant factor in winning battles on only a few occasions. But it was these occasions that Canadians remembered and later exaggerated. Whatever the exact truth, two legends were born in 1812 and would grow to become part of Canadian nationalism.
No one could have predicted that by the end of 1812 Upper and Lower Canada would survive unconquered; indeed, not only unconquered but also with the inhabitants inspired to greater defensive efforts because several American invasions had been decidedly repulsed. What had looked like overwhelming United States superiority in military manpower supported by many industrial, logistical, and strategic advantages had been astonishingly ill-used or misdirected during 1812. But, in 1813, would this fumbling continue or would the republic gain the victory that seemed so easily within its reach?
In Europe, the year 1812 had ended disastrously for Napoleon. He had invaded Russia but had failed to destroy the Russian army or force the government to surrender. He had captured Moscow, but had found it abandoned and burning. In October, with winter approaching and no way to supply his troops, Napoleon had ordered them back to France. He had taken over 400,000 men into Russia; fewer than 100,000 had survived the appalling conditions of the long march home.
Leaving the tattered remnants of his retreating Grand Army in December, Napoleon had hurried back to Paris to raise more troops. He remained a strong threat to France's neighbours and no one could be sure if 1813 would see him again achieve domination of Europe or go down to defeat.
Except for a brief truce in the summer, the war would drag on through 1813. The greatest battle of the Napoleonic Wars would be fought for three days in October around Leipzig in Germany. Napoleon would be defeated and would retreat to France but still refuse to surrender. This would mean that the war would have to be taken into France itself In Spain, Wellington's troops (receiving a good deal of their food from New England) would doggedly drive the French northwards to the Franco-Spanish border. Before the end of the year, he would invade France from the south and allied armies would attack across the Rhine River.
In spite of the continuing demands on Britain for the war in Europe, that country was able to spare more attention and resources to the war in America. During 1813, British naval forces would become more active and aggressive. In January, Admiral John Warren was ordered to raid the American coast, especially around Chesapeake Bay. This area included many rich farms, important towns (including the capital of Washington), and naval bases. It was also an area where desire for war had been very strong. Warren soon imposed a strict blockade all the way from New York to the Gulf of Mexico. His vessels could not stop all United States Navy warships from sailing out, but the Americans won fewer single-ship victories in 1813.
Still, Americans could be proud of the exploits of the
Hornet
in the Pacific and of the
Argus
off the coast of Britain itself. One of the most famous single-ship actions took place in June between the American
Chesapeake
and the Royal Navy's
Shannon
. The
Shannon
, under Captain Philip Broke, waited for the
Chesapeake
to come out of Boston harbour. When she did, the
Shannon
opened fire and after only eleven minutes the American vessel surrendered. The casualties included Captain James Lawrence of the
Chesapeake
â who ordered as he died, “Don't give up the ship!”
1
â and Captain Broke, who was seriously wounded. No less than three heroes are remembered from this battle: Lawrence for the Americans, Broke for the British, and Wallis for the Nova Scotians. Provo William Parry Wallis, born in Halifax twenty-two years earlier, was second lieutenant of the
Shannon
. With the captain wounded and the first lieutenant dead, it fell upon Wallis to take command of the ship and bring her, with the captured
Chesapeake
, into Halifax harbour where the people lined the shore to cheer both the victory and the man.
2
Wallis went on to a glorious career in the navy and ended by becoming an admiral before he died two months short of his 101st birthday! The success of the
Shannon
showed that Americans could no longer count on winning single-ship battles.
Much more important was the effect of the blockade, for it strangled American trade. This reduced the amount of taxes collected and therefore the money available to the American government for fighting the war. One estimate puts the income from customs revenue, the government's main source, at one-tenth of its prewar level.
3
By the end of 1813, the United States was facing bankruptcy as well as serious internal
disunity as states in New England showed increasing hostility to supporting the war.
Naval power thus played an important part in the war in more ways than one.
The Attack on York 27 April 1813.
[Reprinted from
The Defended Border,
by Morris Zaslow (Toronto,
Macmillan of Canada, 1964), p. 255.]
Naval development on the lakes would greatly affect the land war during 1813. American success on Lake Erie would lead to victories by their army on land. But on the more important Lake Ontario, the British would not lose, and this was crucial to their ability to hold on to most of Upper Canada.
The Provincial Marine, which was controlled by the army, had too few trained or experienced seamen. Prevost asked the government to send more and even wanted the Royal Navy to take control on the
lakes. In May, this was done when the British navy sent 450 seamen, thirty-six officers, and a new commander for the lakes, Sir James Lucas Yeo. He had entered the navy at age 11 and during his twenty years' service, had taken part in several naval battles. He would prove a most skillful, though cautious, commander of naval forces.