Tolstoy (67 page)

Sonya's dependency on music after Vanechka's death stimulated Tolstoy to reflect further on questions of aesthetics which would be fully articulated a few years later in his treatise
What is Art?,
but his central mission in the 1890s was as a non-violent Christian soldier fighting for truth and justice. It was extremely gratifying to him that his ideas were now beginning to bear fruit abroad. When a British businessman called John Kenworthy had stumbled across Tolstoy's writings in America in 1890, for example, they had completely changed his life. He abandoned all desire to settle in America and make money, and returned home to England to live and work amongst the poor in the East End of London. In 1893 he published a book entitled
Anatomy of Misery: Plain Lectures on Economics.
To the vegetarian pacifist Ernest Crosby, a reforming American lawyer and Tolstoyan, Kenworthy described the day in March 1894 when he received his first letter from Tolstoy as the happiest in his life.
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For his part, Tolstoy told Kenworthy that it was a 'joy' to be in communication with him, and that he had not only read his book, but had commissioned a Russian translation.
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In May 1894 Kenworthy became honorary pastor of the newly established 'Croydon Brotherhood Church', a Tolstoy-inspired organisation whose congregation, according to one member of its committee of management, included every possible kind of crank, including 'Atheists, Spiritualists, Individualists, Communists, Anarchists, ordinary politicians, Vegetarians, Anti-vivisectionists and Anti-vaccinationists'.
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In October that year Tolstoy acquired another British follower when he received a letter from Arthur St John, a former officer in the Inniskilling Fusiliers in his early thirties. St John wrote to tell Tolstoy that after reading
The Kingdom of God Is Within You
while returning from Burma on sick leave, he had left the army and joined an agricultural community. He commented later about the power of Tolstoy's inspiration:

It had so tremendous an effect upon me that within two or three months I had given up my commission and found myself launched out in the world with no job and no capabilities for any work other than soldiering. I was clear about very little but among the little was Tolstoy's dictum that if you want to work for peace there was no use in preparing for war.
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All across Europe, Tolstoy's ideas were falling on fertile ground. In February 1895 Tolstoy heard about a twenty-six-year-old Slovak doctor called Albert Skarvan who had been so influenced by his religious writings that he had become a conscientious objector. When Skarvan refused to complete his military service, the Habsburg authorities first had him examined in a Viennese psychiatric ward, and then imprisoned him in a military jail.
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Kenworthy, St John and Skarvan would all soon become actively involved in supporting Tolstoy's endeavours.

Tolstoy also had an ardent supporter in Russian-occupied Finland, where the nationalist movement was steadily gaining momentum in the face of recent militant Russification. Like his composer brother-in-law Jean Sibelius, Arvid Jarnefelt was committed to Finnish independence, but his devotion to Tolstoy was greater. A lawyer who had spent two years studying Russian in Moscow in the late 1880s, Jarnefelt first encountered Tolstoy's writings in 1891 while working in the civil service in Helsinki. Against his family's wishes, he abandoned his profession to become a full-time farmer, writer and cobbler, and even ceased sexual relations with his wife. Jarnefelt translated some of Tolstoy's works into Finnish, and preached his ideas of land reform through his own writings.
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In February 1895 Tolstoy wrote to thank him for sending him his recently completed autobiographical novella
My Awakening (Heráámiseni),
and in particular the chapter he had helpfully translated into Russian which discusses why he could not become a judge.
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It gladdened Tolstoy's heart to develop contacts with like-minded Christian thinkers abroad, but his main concern was the plight of fellow-brethren in Russia who were persecuted for their beliefs. In May 1895, a few months after Tolstoy had first met with the Dukhobors in Moscow, Chertkov received a letter from the exiled Dmitry Khilkov in the Caucasus, who wrote to tell him that eleven Dukhobor soldiers had refused to go on Easter parade, and no longer wanted to continue their military service.
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In June there was a mass burning of arms by Verigin's followers in protest against conscription. A ferocious wave of repressions followed. About 200 Dukhobors were jailed, while aggressive Cossacks were billeted to their villages and their families dispersed amongst Tatar, Armenian and Georgian communities. Tolstoy decided to take action. On 23 October his letter to John Kenworthy about the Dukhobors was published in
The Times
in London, along with an edited version of an account of what had been going on written by Biryukov, who had travelled down to the Caucasus to investigate.
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That autumn Tolstoy wrote his first letter to Pyotr Verigin, and Chertkov began collecting materials documenting government persecution of the Dukhobors.

After deciding to relinquish the management of The Intermediary in 1893, Chertkov threw his energies into collecting materials on the persecution of sectarians in Russia. By 1902 he had a file consisting of 4,000 documents.
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He also wanted to devote himself to the dissemination and preservation of Tolstoy's literary legacy; this, in fact, became his life's work. Since 1889 he had been systematically copying everything Tolstoy wrote and maintaining an archive of Tolstoy's new manuscripts, which were dutifully sent on from Yasnaya Polyana. Now he wanted to publish all of Tolstoy's banned works in England. He had been deliberating about whether to move there with his family, but shelved that idea, to Tolstoy's relief, when he heard that John Kenworthy had decided to relinquish the pastorship of the Brotherhood Church in order to found the Brotherhood Publishing Company. Chertkov invited him to Moscow. At their meeting in December Kenworthy was given the rights to publish Tolstoy's new work in English, and in February 1896 the members of his community sent Tolstoy a letter of support to the Dukhobors in the Caucasus which they asked him to pass on. It was in 1896 that Tolstoy began writing his magnificent short novel
Hadji Murat,
which he continued to work on until 1904 and which remained unpublished at his death. It is set in the Caucasus, during Russia's war with the Chechen and Daghestani highlanders. Although the story fictionalises an historical event - the capture by the Russians in 1851 of Hadji Murat, one of Imam Shamil's former henchmen - and draws on Tolstoy's own experiences fighting in the Caucasus, the story is also coloured philosophically by his new Christian beliefs, and inspired by the Dukhobors' heroic resistance.

The Dukhobors continued to prey on Tolstoy's mind throughout 1896 - a year in which Nicholas II was finally crowned in Moscow, and thousands were crushed to death or injured during the celebrations which followed. The combination of this horrifying spectacle with the magnificent splendour of state pageantry seemed eloquently to sum up the extremes of Russia's autocratic regime. In December that year Chertkov completed a direct appeal for help for the Dukhobors with the assistance of Biryukov and Tregubov. They published it in England in early 1897 together with an afterword by Tolstoy. Chertkov then went on to Petersburg to start active campaigning, but the Russian government intervened. Before Nicholas II's coronation, Pobedonostsev had despaired of Tolstoy in a letter:

It's terrible to think of Lev Tolstoy, as he's spreading a terrible infection of anarchy and atheism throughout the whole of Russia! It's as if he was possessed by the devil - but what should be done with him? Obviously he is an enemy of the church, an enemy of any government and any civil order. There is a suggestion in the Synod that he be excommunicated from the church to avoid any doubts and confusion amongst the people, who see and hear that the entire intelligentsia worships Tolstoy. Probably, after the coronation the question will arise: what should be done with Tolstoy?
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The moment had arrived to answer that question. From this point until Tolstoy's death thirteen years later, the Russian government deployed an effective strategy of leaving him alone, while taking punitive action against his followers. On 5 February Chertkov's Petersburg apartment was searched, and he was informed he was to be sent into exile for illicit involvement in the affairs of sectarians, and for spreading subversive propaganda. His powerful connections had not given him complete immunity, but they did ensure he was not sent to Siberia. Vladimir Ulyanov, a lawyer turned revolutionary from Simbirsk, was not so lucky. He had been languishing in a Petersburg jail for conspiring against Alexander III, and that same month was exiled to a village on the River Yenisey, south of Krasnoyarsk (he later renamed himself Lenin, after the Lena, another mighty Siberian river). Chertkov had the much gentler option of going to England, a country he loved. Biryukov and Tregubov were also dealt with leniently: they were exiled to villages in the empire's Baltic territories.

Accompanied by Sonya, Tolstoy came to St Petersburg to see his friends off - he had not been in the city since 1880, and it would be his last ever visit to the capital. The secret police had a field day, filing detailed reports on his every movement, including to the barber on Panteleimon Street where he had his beard trimmed. They even embellished their despatches with loving details about Tolstoy's couture (a short coat tied with a grey belt, dark trousers and a dark grey knitted hat one day, and a heavy coat with a lambswool collar, dark grey trousers and a grey felt hat the next).
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Tolstoy was mobbed everywhere he went, and given a huge ovation at the railway station when he left to go back to Moscow. There were only two people he did not enjoy seeing. One was Chertkov's indomitable mother, Elizaveta Ivanovna, who loathed him for leading her only son astray (she also thought he was imbued with the spirit of the Antichrist for not acknowledging Christ's resurrection).
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The other was his implacably devout old relative Alexandra Andreyevna, no longer his dear friend and confidante Alexandrine.
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Tolstoy was abandoned by another of his devoted followers in 1897: six months after Chertkov's departure, his daughter Masha suddenly announced that she was to be married. She was twenty-six, and had finally decided to insist on some independence after several potential engagements had been thwarted by her father.
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Tolstoy was no happier about Masha marrying Nikolay Obolensky, the son of his niece Liza, who was a feckless youth without an income. He noted in his diary that seeing Masha get married to someone like Obolensky was like watching a thoroughbred horse being ruined by being made to carry water. He was also not happy about the fact that Masha now reneged on her earlier principles and demanded her share of the family property. But most importantly, Masha had been his faithful helpmeet - meek, quiet and always willing to help, so her departure from Yasnaya Polyana, even though she did not go far, left a huge hole in her father's life. It was Masha he loved best of all amongst his children.

Soon after Chertkov's departure, Masha's elder sister Tanya also began to loosen her ties to her father by beginning an affair with a man fourteen years older than her who had six children. She felt she had sullied herself and was overwhelmed by guilt. Mikhail Sukhotin was unhappily married to a woman who was gravely ill, and who in fact died later that year, but that did not make it easier. Tanya's previous romantic life had also been quite unhappy. It was difficult living in a house where all the attention was directed at her father. Everything revolved around him, and Tanya felt aggrieved that he gave his time to just about anyone who turned up to see him, but not to his own daughter.
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She had been devastated in October 1886 when Chertkov, at the age of thirty-two, had married Anna Diterikhs, a general's daughter from St Petersburg. Anna Konstantinovna, or Galya, as she was universally known, was twenty-seven (Tanya was then twenty-two), and not only was she educated, having been one of the first graduates of the university courses that had finally been opened to women in 1878, but also beautiful - Yaroshenko had painted her portrait in his famous 1883 painting
The Student.
Galya was also earnest and principled, and completely committed to Tolstoyan ideals. It was not that Tanya was in love with Chertkov, but she admired him, and she felt dejected to be always on the sidelines, never quite beautiful, clever or noble enough to take centre stage.
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Tanya had also been very drawn to the handsome Evgeny Popov while he was living at Yasnaya Polyana in 1894. He was exactly her age, but he was still technically married, and even less eligible in her parents' eyes than Pavel Biryukov, the Tolstoyan who had courted Masha.
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Following the lead of her parents, who still read each other's diaries manically, Tanya showed Popov her diaries, and received his to read. Tolstoy also got to see his daughter's diary, and then he put a stop to the relationship.
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He and Sonya were no happier about Tanya's liaison with Misha Sukhotin, but it led to a happy marriage.