1812: The Navy's War (47 page)
Shortly after the armistice began, news came of Wellington’s stunning victory at Vittoria on June 21. The great British general had finally defeated Joseph Bonaparte and sent the French army reeling back to the Pyrenees. The victory influenced Austria’s decision to enter the war on the side of the allies, something Prince Metternich, the powerful Austrian foreign minister, had been considering for some time. Convinced that Austria could only achieve her goals if Napoleon were defeated, Metternich joined the allies on August 12. He did so only after trying to convince Napoleon to accept a modest diminution of his power. Bonaparte refused. He deluded himself into thinking he was as potent as ever and would overcome his adversaries, as he had before. Metternich concluded that Napoleon would never accept a balance of power in Europe compatible with Austria’s interests. Helping Metternich decide was Britain formally joining the alliance on July 9 and committing large subsidies to her allies. Napoleon’s intransigence created the grand coalition that alone could defeat him.
During the armistice, the Russian army was rejuvenated. By August the combined allied armies, including Austria, were now over 500,000. Napoleon had roughly 400,000. But the allies did not have a general who could match Bonaparte; he was still master of the battlefield. Numbers alone would not determine who won. When the armies took the field again, they met at Dresden on August 26–27, and once again Napoleon was the victor, sending the Austrian-Russian army retreating back to Bohemia.
Napoleon sent General Vandamme in pursuit. He caught up with the enemy just across the Austrian border at the Bohemian town of Kulm, where on August 29–30, he unexpectedly suffered a stunning defeat. The victory restored allied morale. Napoleon’s generals suffered other losses in separate battles as well. On August 23, Marshall Oudinot was beaten at Grossbeeren by Bernadotte (Sweden’s ruler, who was part of the alliance against Napoleon). Oudinot had been trying to attack Berlin. On August 26, Prussian General Blucher defeated Marshall Macdonald at Katzback; on August 27, General Major von Hirschfeld defeated General Girard at Hagelberg; and on September 6, General von Bulow defeated Marshall Ney at Dennewitz. Together these defeats administered a crushing blow to Napoleon. He had now lost over 100,000 men in the various battles, and he could not easily replace them. The allies, on the other hand, were having no trouble replenishing their ranks.
The armies rested during September and met again at Leipzig, where Napoleon had taken part of his army for tactical reasons but became trapped with an army half the size of the allies who closed in on him from the north and the south. The Battle of Leipzig took place October 16–18. The fighting was intense, and in the end Napoleon, with only 160,000 men, could not prevail against the allies, who had 320,000. During the night of October 18, his dispirited troops retreated out of Leipzig toward Mainz on the Rhine River, heading home to France. On the morning of October 19, when the bloodied allies discovered that the French had left the city, there was wild rejoicing, despite both sides having lost an astounding 120,000 men killed or wounded. The French may have sustained as many as 60,000 casualties.
Leipzig sounded the death knell for Napoleon, but he could not hear the sound. Unable to admit defeat, he intended to fight on, imagining he could still overcome his opponents. The allies were not able to cut him off before he reached the French border, condemning Europe to more weeks of suffering. On November 2 he crossed the Rhine at Mainz and rode into France. Europe east of the Rhine was now liberated, but no one doubted that when Bonaparte reached Paris, he would raise another army of conscripts and attempt another comeback.
ON DECEMBER 30, 1813, His Majesty’s packet
Bramble
, under Lieutenant Pogson, arrived at Annapolis, Maryland, from Plymouth, England, with the momentous news: Napoleon had suffered a near fatal blow at Leipzig and had barely made it back to France. The
Bramble
also carried a letter from Castlereagh proposing direct negotiations between Britain and America without Russian mediation. The note was addressed to Secretary of State Monroe and dated November 4—after Castlereagh knew the outcome of Leipzig. Monroe immediately wrote back on January 5, 1814, accepting the offer.
Bramble
, under Lieutenant Pogson, arrived at Annapolis, Maryland, from Plymouth, England, with the momentous news: Napoleon had suffered a near fatal blow at Leipzig and had barely made it back to France. The
Bramble
also carried a letter from Castlereagh proposing direct negotiations between Britain and America without Russian mediation. The note was addressed to Secretary of State Monroe and dated November 4—after Castlereagh knew the outcome of Leipzig. Monroe immediately wrote back on January 5, 1814, accepting the offer.
Madison’s swift approval of Castlereagh’s proposal spoke loudly of how well the British were doing in America, and how desperate the president was to end the war. Liverpool and Castlereagh were confident that in any negotiation with Madison, they would dictate the terms. And although they had proposed talks, they were in no hurry to begin them until victories on the battlefield gave them the upper hand. The
Bramble
departed Annapolis on January 12 with Monroe’s reply, arriving in London three weeks later. Liverpool and Castlereagh were pleased with Madison’s acceptance and his unseemly haste.
Bramble
departed Annapolis on January 12 with Monroe’s reply, arriving in London three weeks later. Liverpool and Castlereagh were pleased with Madison’s acceptance and his unseemly haste.
The president moved quickly to augment his negotiating team. He added Jonathan Russell and Henry Clay to work with Bayard and Adams. Clay was particularly important as a symbol to the West and the South that their interests would be protected in the peace treaty. The president also reappointed Gallatin when he found out he intended to remain in Europe and not return to the Treasury. Admiral Cockburn issued a passport for Clay and Russell to travel to Europe, and on February 26, 1814, they sailed from New York on the
John Adams
.
John Adams
.
At the beginning of 1814, things looked bleaker than ever for Madison. Repeated defeats along the Canadian border, except for Lake Erie, had undermined his hopes for a satisfactory peace. In addition, recruiting was going poorly. He had no hope of instituting conscription. Congress would never approve it. Militias from the New England states refused to march across the border into Canada, and money was hard to come by. Congress would not support a national bank or raise taxes enough to fund the war, and Federalist moneymen would not lend the president the money he needed to fight.
The British, on the other hand, were enormously gratified by their successes in Canada. They considered the defeat on Lake Erie an anomaly that would quickly be reversed. The future for Britain on the North American continent looked exceedingly bright.
Napoleon remained to be dealt with, of course, but optimism in London about finally destroying him was growing. He had returned to Paris in November 1813 and, as expected, immediately set about trying to raise another army of 300,000. At the same time, he held out to the allies the possibility of negotiations, and they responded on November 9 with a generous peace plan known as the Frankfurt Proposals. If accepted, they would allow Bonaparte to keep his throne, provided he evacuated the areas of Europe he still held, like Hamburg, and agreed to accept the “natural frontiers” of France, which meant withdrawing behind the Rhine, the Alps, and the Pyrenees. He would retain Belgium, the left bank of the Rhine, Savoy, and Nice. Napoleon rejected the offer out of hand.
Liverpool and Castlereagh were relieved. Their ambassador to Austria, the young Earl of Aberdeen, had approved the proposals, but the ministry was horrified by them. Liverpool and his colleagues wanted to get rid of Napoleon completely, and they wanted France’s frontiers pushed back to what they were prior to 1792. In their view, Europe would never have peace as long as Napoleon was on the French throne. Aberdeen’s misstep moved Castlereagh to take over British leadership on the continent personally, with important consequences not only for Britain but for Napoleon, the allies, the Bourbons, and America.
Before driving onto Paris and delivering the final blow to Bonaparte, the allies issued a declaration that the boundaries of France would be returned to those existing in 1792. It was not meant as an offer to Napoleon, but even if it had been, he would have scorned it. Returning to those boundaries would have meant that the size of France had been reduced while he was in power, a prospect that was anathema to him. Losing more contact with reality by the day, he fought on, believing he could still win. He was able to raise less than 100,000 men, however, while the allied armies gathering along the French border totaled over 400,000. The czar, who had never liked the Frankfurt Proposals either, wanted to get on with the march to Paris and dictate terms, as did some of the Prussians like General Blucher. By this time, Wellington was established in the south of France with an army of 80,000. He had consistently pursued a generous policy toward the French people and was warmly received in most places.
Napoleon tried to summon the patriotic spirit of the nation, hoping he could convince the French to fight a partisan war, as the Spanish had against him. “The whole nation will be under arms,” he promised Caulaincourt. “We shall have to come to the enemy’s rescue to stop the violence; they will slaughter everything that has a foreign look to it.” But he was dreaming. The French people no longer supported him. They had had enough of heavy-handed government, excessive taxation, being deprived of free speech and political rights, and most of all, having their youths harvested three times a year to be consumed in endless war. Instead of support, Bonaparte found widespread hatred of him and his regime. Thousands of young men fled the country to avoid conscription.
It took some time for the allies to mount a successful drive on Paris, however. They had great difficulty working in harness. Their squabbling added considerably to Napoleon’s chances for survival. Even with his small army of 70,000, he went on the attack and won a series of battles in February 1814 against the Prussians and the Austrians fighting separately. He did so well that Austria was on the verge of pulling her army back beyond the French border. Castlereagh’s timely intervention kept them in the fight and prevented the alliance from splitting apart. In the end, Bonaparte’s obstinate resistance forced the allies to bury their differences and continue working together. On March 9 they signed the Treaty of Chaumont, pledging to fight until France was reduced to her prerevolutionary boundaries.
As the allied armies closed in on Paris during the last two weeks of March, the French vigorously defended their capital, but they were overwhelmed and forced to surrender on March 30. Napoleon wasn’t there; he had already left Paris to continue the fight.
The following day Alexander and Frederick William rode into the city in triumph. As they did, demonstrations in favor of Louis XVIII broke out. Talleyrand had organized them to show Alexander, who detested the Bourbons, that the people wanted the monarchy restored. Behind the scenes, Castlereagh gave tacit support to Talleyrand’s efforts. The
Times
reported approvingly that “the cry of Vive Louis XVIII is heard everywhere.” Meanwhile, Napoleon continued to believe that all was not lost. He tried to resume the struggle from Fontainebleau, but his marshals would have no more, and on April 11 he finally abdicated unconditionally.
Times
reported approvingly that “the cry of Vive Louis XVIII is heard everywhere.” Meanwhile, Napoleon continued to believe that all was not lost. He tried to resume the struggle from Fontainebleau, but his marshals would have no more, and on April 11 he finally abdicated unconditionally.
In a few days, he began his journey from Fontainebleau to St. Raphael on the Mediterranean, where the British frigate
Undaunted
waited to take him to Elba. The trip was one of the most dangerous of his life. Only the skill and bravery of his guards saved him from being torn to pieces by his own people. He managed to reach his destination, however, and Europeans, including the French, celebrated his departure. In London, the
Times
reported “heartfelt and universal joy.” In America, however, the mood was more mixed. Thomas Jefferson wrote to John Adams, “I own that, while I rejoice, for the good of mankind, to the deliverance of Europe from the havoc which would have never ceased while Bonaparte should have lived in power, I see with anxiety the tyrant of the ocean remaining in vigor, and even participating in the merit of crushing his brother tyrant.”
Undaunted
waited to take him to Elba. The trip was one of the most dangerous of his life. Only the skill and bravery of his guards saved him from being torn to pieces by his own people. He managed to reach his destination, however, and Europeans, including the French, celebrated his departure. In London, the
Times
reported “heartfelt and universal joy.” In America, however, the mood was more mixed. Thomas Jefferson wrote to John Adams, “I own that, while I rejoice, for the good of mankind, to the deliverance of Europe from the havoc which would have never ceased while Bonaparte should have lived in power, I see with anxiety the tyrant of the ocean remaining in vigor, and even participating in the merit of crushing his brother tyrant.”
Britain’s celebratory mood did not lessen her commitment to throttle the United States. “The reinforcements for North America all sailed last week,” the
Times
noted with approval on April 11. The troops were expected to rendezvous at Bermuda and then sail to the St. Lawrence and Quebec. Four days later the
Times
wrote, “There is no public feeling in this country stronger than indignation against the Americans.” It accused Madison of attempting “to consummate the ruin of Britain.” “The American government,” it cried, “is in point of fact as much of a tyranny . . . as that of Bonaparte. . . . It has already indulged in something more than dreams of the most unmeasured ambition.... [It seeks to] sap the foundations of our maritime greatness . . . seize our possessions on mainland America and later in the West Indies.”
Times
noted with approval on April 11. The troops were expected to rendezvous at Bermuda and then sail to the St. Lawrence and Quebec. Four days later the
Times
wrote, “There is no public feeling in this country stronger than indignation against the Americans.” It accused Madison of attempting “to consummate the ruin of Britain.” “The American government,” it cried, “is in point of fact as much of a tyranny . . . as that of Bonaparte. . . . It has already indulged in something more than dreams of the most unmeasured ambition.... [It seeks to] sap the foundations of our maritime greatness . . . seize our possessions on mainland America and later in the West Indies.”
The
Morning Post
had been using even more extravagant language for months, calling the American government “unprincipled” and “contemptible.” The
Courier
was equally vicious.
Morning Post
had been using even more extravagant language for months, calling the American government “unprincipled” and “contemptible.” The
Courier
was equally vicious.
One would have thought that after more than twenty-two years of war, the British people, and especially their army and navy, were entitled to some relief. Instead, the Liverpool government intended to turn their war machine against the United States and cut her down to size. The
Times
wrote that substantial numbers of troops in France would be “immediately transferred to America.”
Times
wrote that substantial numbers of troops in France would be “immediately transferred to America.”
In all the excitement over Napoleon’s downfall, the Liverpool ministry—and indeed the country—were overly sanguine about how easily Europe’s boundaries could be redrawn. Fundamental differences existed among the greater and lesser powers about what the new Europe should look like. Allied unity had been possible only because of a common enemy, and even then, getting the great powers to work together had been exceptionally difficult. Once Bonaparte was removed, ancient rivalries were bound to surface. Rearranging the European map might absorb as much of Britain’s energy as Napoleon had. For the moment, however, intoxicated with success, the British minimized Europe’s problems and fixated on curbing America’s power.
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