Authors: Philip Dwyer
72 . | Cited in Semmel, Napoleon and the British , p. 83. Examples include texts such as Lewis Mayer’s Bonaparte, the Emperor of the French, considered as Lucifer and Gog (London, 1806), and The prophetic mirror or a hint of England, containing an explanation of the prophesy . . .proving Bonaparte to be the beast (London, 1806). |
73 . | Pesenson, ‘Napoleon Bonaparte and Apocalyptic Discourse’, 377; Clarke Garrett, Respectable Folly: Millenarians and the French Revolution in France and England (Baltimore, 1975), pp. 211–12. |
74 . | Eliza Gutch and Mabel Peacock, Examples of Printed Folklore Concerning Lincolnshire , vol. v of County Folk-Lore (London, 1908), pp. 383–4. |
75 . | Peltzer, ‘Imagerie populaire et caricature’, 205. |
76 . | For the following, Martin, Romantics, Reformers, Reactionaries , pp. 47, 48; Michael A. Pesenson, ‘Napoleon Bonaparte and Apocalyptic Discourse in Early Nineteenth-Century Russia’, Russian Review , 65 (2006), 382–92. |
77 . | Martin, ‘The Russian Empire and the Napoleonic Wars’, pp. 255–6. |
78 . | Lieven, Russia against Napoleon , p. 60. |
79 . | Peltzer, ‘Imagerie populaire et caricature’, 205. |
80 . | Pesenson, ‘Napoleon Bonaparte and Apocalyptic Discourse’, 374. |
81 . | Pesenson, ‘Napoleon Bonaparte and Apocalyptic Discourse’, 385. |
82 . | Richard S. Wortman, Scenarios of Power: Myth and Ceremony in Russian Monarchy , 2 vols (Princeton, 1995–2000), i. pp. 215–31. |
83 . | Martin, ‘The Response of the Population of Moscow’, pp. 479–80. |
84 . | Pesenson, ‘Napoleon Bonaparte and Apocalyptic Discourse’, 381–3, 392. |
85 . | My thanks to Alicia Laspra Rodriguez for allowing me to use her unpublished conference paper, ‘The Demonisation of Napoleon in Spain’. |
86 . | An example of the catechism can be found in Joseph-Jacques de Naylies, Mémoires sur la guerre d’Espagne, pendant les années 1808, 1809, 1810 et 1811 (Paris, 1817), pp. 23–30. |
87 . | Cited in Hughes, Goya , p. 267. |
88 . | See Michael Jeismann, La patrie de l’ennemi: la notion d’ennemi national et la représentation de la nation en Allemagne et en France de 1792 à 1918 , trans. Dominique Lassaigne (Paris, 1997), pp. 70–1. On the German image of Napoleon see Friedrich Stählin, Napoleons Glanz und Fall im deutschen Urteil: Wandlungen des deutschen Napoleonbildes (Brunswick, 1952), esp. pp. 40–64. |
89 . | Ernst Moritz Arndt, Gedichte , 2 vols (Frankfurt am Rhein, 1818), ii. pp. 31–2. |
90 . | Ernst Moritz Arndt cited in Brendan Simms, Struggle for Mastery in Germany (Basingstoke, 1998), pp. 92–3. |
91 . | Hagemann, ‘Mannlicher Muth’ , pp. 112–57; Hagemann, ‘Occupation, Mobilization, and Politics’, 603. |
92 . | Fontaine, Journal , i. p. 408 (12 April 1814). |
93 . | Lentz, Nouvelle histoire du Premier Empire , ii. pp. 347–51. |
94 . | Fain, Manuscrit de mil huit cent treize , i. pp. 24–5. |
95 . | René Tournès, La campagne de printemps en 1813: Lützen, étude d’une manoeuvre napoléonienne (Paris, 1931), p. 29. |
96 . | Anderson, Pope Pius VII , pp. 127–40. |
97 . | Oncken, Österreich und Preußen , ii. pp. 615–25 (26 March 1813). |
98 . | Cited in Henry Kissinger, A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace, 1812–22 (Cambridge, Mass., 1957), pp. 64–5. |
99 . | Kissinger, A World Restored , p. 71. |
100
. Wertheimer, ‘Wien und das Kriegsjahr 1813’, 365.
101
. Guillaume de Bertier de Sauvigny,
Metternich
(Paris, 1986), pp. 147–8.
102
. Alexandre-Louis Andrault de Langeron,
Mémoires de Langeron, général d’infanterie dans l’armée russe, campagnes de 1812, 1813, 1814
(Paris, 1902), pp. 200–1; Dominic Lieven, ‘Russia and the Defeat of Napoleon (1812–14)’,
Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History
, 7 (2006), 303–5. As Lieven points out, there are no studies, in Russian or any other language, detailing the enormous effort put into training and supplying the thousands of troops and then transferring them from their camps in central Russia to the battlefields of Germany and France between 1812 and 1814.
103
. Gates,
The Napoleonic Wars
, pp. 231–3; Scott,
Birth of a Great Power System
, p. 351, thinks it was poor. It was ‘the worst army Napoleon ever commanded’, according to Muir,
Britain and the Defeat of Napoleon
, p. 255.
104
. Marmont,
Mémoires
, vi. pp. 7–8. Historians differ about the age of these conscripts. Generally in their early twenties, according to Andrew Uffindell,
Napoleon 1814: The Defence of France
(Barnsley, 2009), p. 14. Two-thirds were teenagers, according to Robert M. Epstein, ‘Aspects of Military and Operational Efffectiveness of the Armies of France, Austria, Russia and Prussia in 1813’, in Frederick C. Schneid (ed.),
The Projection and Limitations of Imperial Powers, 1618–1850
(Leiden, 2012), p. 124.
105
. Marmont,
Mémoires
, v. p. 9. On the army’s weakness see Paul Foucart,
Bautzen, une bataille de deux jours, 20–21 mai 1813
(Paris, 1897), p. 100; Telp,
The
Evolution of Operational Art
, p. 128.
106
.
Corr.
xxvi. n. 20504 (2 September 1813).
107
. See, for example,
Corr.
xxiv. n. 19602 (21 February 1813).
108
. Chandler,
Campaigns of Napoleon
, pp. 874–5; Leggiere,
The Fall of Napoleon
, p. 7.
109
. Ernst Otto Innocenz, Freiherr von Odeleben,
Relation circonstanciée de la campagne de 1813 en Saxe
, trans. from the German by M. Aubert de Vitry, 2 vols (Paris, 1817), i. p. 34.
110
. Rowe, ‘France, Prussia, or Germany?’, 622.
111
. See, for example, Rowe,
From Reich to State
, p. 218.
112
. Lentz,
Nouvelle histoire du Premier Empire
, ii. p. 385.
113
. Michael V. Leggiere,
Napoleon and Berlin: The Franco-Prussian War in North Germany, 1813
(Norman, 2002), pp. 49–51.
114
. Tournès,
La campagne de printemps en 1813
, pp. 323–69; Chandler,
Campaigns of Napoleon
, pp. 881–98.
115
. Marmont,
Mémoires
, v. pp. 17–23; Odeleben,
Relation circonstanciée
, i. pp. 55–9; F. Loraine Petre,
Napoleon’s Last Campaign in Germany, 1813
(London, 1912), pp. 66–90.