Hannibal: A Hellenistic Life (53 page)

47.
There were two areas Polybius may have been referring to: the most likely are cities along the eastern coast of modern Tunisia like Hadrumentum (Sousse) in what is referred to as the Sahel, or – further south along the Gulf of Gabes – ancient Tacape.
Emporia
, the Greek
word meaning ‘commerce’, came to be used to describe market centres and the cities that grew up around them. The term
Emporia
is also used (in Herodotus, for example) to refer to the cities further east along the coast of modern Libya called Oea, Lepcis Magna and Sabratha. These were Libyphoenician cities allied to Carthage and may have been supporting the Carthaginian war effort. Considering the loss of support from Sardinia, these cities would have been even more important to the Carthaginians. See differing interpretations in Walbank, vol. 1, 145, who presents the comparative source material for the region of the Gulf of Tacape (modern Gabes) and in Hoyos, 2005, 43–47. See also Lancel, 1995, 87, 291–302 on the origin of these cities and on the expansion of Carthage into Africa and the origins of these ties.

48.
See Eutropius 2.27 and Valerius Maximus 5.1.1.

49.
This refers to the landscape’s similarity to a serrated ridge; the word is πριονα and is also used to describe the Sierra Nevada mountains in Iberia (see Walbank, vol. 1, 147).

50.
Hoyos, 2007, 197–218 provides a full reconstruction of events.

51.
In the area around Spendius’ body he put to death another 30 high-ranking Carthaginians. Polybius makes the point that Hannibal is crucified ‘alive’ on Spendius’ cross, differentiating between that and just crucifixion.

52.
Polybius makes it three years and four months (1.88.7); Livy claims five years (21.2.1); and Diodorus Siculus (25.5.6) makes it out to be four years and four months. I use four years here as an average. See Walbank, vol. 1, 148–149 for the possible reasons for the discrepancy.

53.
Eckstein, 2006, 168 claims the Romans changed tactics towards Carthage in 238/237, feeling that the peace had been ‘too mild’.

54.
The Romans occupied Sardinia in 238; it was made a province (along with Corsica) in 227: see van Dommelen, 1998, 25. See Polybius 3.27.7–9 for extended terms of the treaty.

55.
Hoyos, 2007, 263–274 on Polybius’ sources and Walbank, vol. 1, 130–150 for detailed assessment.

56.
As he was writing in the second century
BCE
when Rome first established the province of Africa, we might view the narrative of the Mercenary War as a warning from Polybius to the Romans about the wider population of their new province and the governance of the landscape.

57.
The modern term is Berbers, but the Greek and Roman sources refer to the North Africans as Libyans, Libyphoenicians and Numidians. According to Polybius, people called the Libyans inhabited the region extending along the fertile valley of the Bagradas river and reached south and west from Carthage into what is modern Algeria and the high plateau of the Atlas. The survival of the Libyphoenician culture across North Africa into the late antique period speaks of deeply rooted Punic influence and a layered and nuanced mixing of the populations. See Brett and Fentress, 1996, 24–25 for an overview of Punic and Berber North Africa.

58.
A complex sequence of alliances, urban foundations and ethnic mixtures followed the consolidation of the hinterland by Carthage, see Ameling, 2011, 48–51; Lazenby, 1996a, 23 outlines the different cities coming under direct Carthaginian control during the third century; Lancel, 1995, 257–302 outlines the material evidence for the Carthaginian ‘expansion’ into Africa; whilst articles in van Dommelen and Gómez Ballard, 2008 trace the agricultural impact of Punic culture.

59.
As Carthage pushed its power inland there was a parallel articulation of kingdoms among the people living just beyond the direct control of Carthage. Carthaginian territory expanded to its furthest point, Tebessa (Hekatompylos) according to Polybius 1.73.1 and Diodorus Siculus 24.10.2.

60.
Previous centuries of Carthaginian battles in Sicily, variously allied with local Sicilians against Syracuse and Sicilian Greek tyrants, would have seemed quite straightforward in comparison with the danger posed by Rome and her new interest in Carthaginian territory.

Chapter 4 Barcid Iberia from Gades to Saguntum

1.
The Jupiter mentioned here is the Romanized version of the Carthaginian Ba’al Hammon. The region of modern Spain was known in antiquity as Iberia and also by the Latin
Hispania. I have used Iberia here in preference, especially when discussing the people who inhabited the regions beyond the Phoenician and Greek settlements on the coast before the Roman conquest. I use Spain when it is referring to the modern country and in some translations where the Latin Hispania is used.

2.
As far as we know, Hannibal did not return to Carthage in the interim although there was the possibility of transport back and forth, and with frequent communication between Iberia and Carthage it is difficult to know for certain. Through the years in Iberia his brother-in-law Hasdrubal seems to have frequented Carthage. Livy’s claim that Hannibal was sent from Carthage to Iberia in 221 after the death of Hasdrubal is considered to be erroneous as he contradicts himself (21.3.2, 4.2, and 30.37.9), as noted in Hoyos, 2006, 631, n. 3.

3.
Evidence for the ritual practices in the Punic world is limited. For the cow’s head on an altar as a ritual offering in Carthaginian practice see image in the Louvre: a white limestone stele from Carthage (AO 5081, Collection & Louvre Palace). The discussion in Ribichini, 2001 provides a clear introduction. Discussion of the evidence in Picard, C., 1975 and image reproduced clearly in Brouillet, 1994, 54 (catalogue no. 39).

4.
Polybius used the Greek Zeus to refer to Ba’al Hammon here again.

5.
Livy 21.1.4; Nepos,
Hann.
2.4; Valerius Maximus 9.3; Appian,
Hann.
3; Martial 9.43.9: ‘by him [Herakles] the boy Hannibal took an oath at a Libyan altar’. For a complete list of references see Walbank, vol. 1, 314–315. See more in chapter 12 below.

6.
See Walbank, vol. 1, 314 for the complete list of references to the oath in the ancient sources and Rich, 1996, 7 for an analysis of the origin of the story. Stocks, 2014, 87–88 and 90–91 look at how Silius Italicus weaves the oath of Hannibal, which he placed in the Temple of Dido at Carthage, with Virgil’s curse of Dido and the influence of Hamilcar.

7.
These ideas are explored by Gowing, 2005, 28–66, especially on the period of Tiberius’ rule and more generally in terms of Carthage by Miles, 2010, 352–373. See more in chapter 12 below.

8.
On the hatred of Hamilcar, see Polybius 3.9.6; on Hannibal’s oath see Seibert, 1993a, 26–28; Lancel, 1999, 30 and 197.

9.
For the Barcids in Iberia see Barceló, 1988, Goldsworthy, 2003, 136–138; Hoyos, 2005, 55–86 for Hamilcar and Hasdrubal; Lancel, 1999, 28–45; Seibert, 1993a, 25–51; Wagner, 1989 for background on the Phoenician and Punic ports in Spain; and before the Barcids see Arteaga, 2004. For a brief introduction to the Phoenicians, Greeks, Carthaginians and Romans in Spain in English see Collins, 1998, 8–14.

10.
Hoyos, 1984, Lancel 1995, 34–35, Hoyos, 2005, but with even greater autonomy, it is thought.

11.
This embassy is not mentioned in any other source but I agree here with Eckstein, 1984, 56–57 who supports the historicity of the episode. See Hoyos, 1998, 147–149 who outlines the reasons given to believe or disbelieve the authenticity and mentions the timing, 10 years after the end of the First Punic War.

12.
The case for the autonomy of the Roman consuls in the field is made by Eckstein and he applies this to the Carthaginian generals as well (1987, 132–133) in 241 at the end of the First Punic War. At the end of the Hannibalic War, Livy (30.42.12) reports that the Carthaginian negotiators place the whole of the responsibility for the war on Hannibal’s shoulders.

13.
Seibert, 1993a, 105 discusses the relationship between representatives and generals, and Hoyos, 2007, 13–24 provides a clear discussion of the politicians and the generals at Carthage in this period. Most recently see Brizzi, 2009 on the divisions within the Carthaginian ruling elite and the range of scholarly opinions.

14.
A large bibliography exists on the inter-war period and the causes of the Second Punic War. For a range of opinions see articles in Cornell et al.(eds), 1996 esp. Rich; see also Hoyos, 1998; Eckstein, 2006, 158–180 and 1984; and Erdkamp, 2009 on Polybius’ narrative intent specifically. On the debate around the role of the Barcids and their degree of political autonomy in Iberia see Picard, G-C., 1983–84; Seibert, 1993b, 117–151; Hoyos, 2005, 47–54 and 1994, Miles, 2010, 218–234 for a selection of opinions.

15.
Known in antiquity as Gadiera/Gades/Gadir. There are conflicting versions of the voyage – Polybius implies that the Carthaginian army marched across North Africa towards the west, while Diodorus Siculus claims the journey was made by sea. Polybius’ account rings true, given the territorial gains made at the end of the Mercenary War, and in 237 a fleet capable of transporting the whole army may not have been available. Diodorus’ account makes sense if the ships (and army) used were those that had been prepared for the expedition to Sardinia that never happened. See Polybius. 2.1.5–6; Diodorus Sic. 25.10.1; Cornelius Nepos,
Ham
. 3. Both views are clearly expressed in the modern scholarship, e.g. Hoyos, 2005, 55: ‘it is very unlikely that Diodorus is wrong’; Lancel, 1999, 30 prefers to believe Polybius rather than Diodorus. Miles, 2010, 219 also takes Polybius’ version as more accurate and makes an argument for the lack of ships.

16.
There are coastal settlements of Phoenician origin extending from the Sado river (just south of Lisbon) to the Segura river (in the Alicante province of Spain). See Neville, 2007, 83–104 on Cadiz, and see above chapter 1 on the Phoenician settlements. Lowe, 2009, 8–53 charts the development of settlements along the coast from the first foundations to the Roman period.

17.
A concentration of coinage in the Carthaginian style found at Gades may date to before 237 and may provide evidence of a strong commercial connection Visona, 1995, 179. Barceló, 1988 looks at the relationship between Iberia and Carthage from the first colony in the seventh century to the Barcids. Lancel, 1995, 35 notes that Polybius uses the term ‘reconquest’, indicating that there was a presumed link established before the Barcid conquests. The ceramic evidence for commercial traffic along the Baetis/Guadalquivir is surveyed by Ferrer Albelda et al., 2010. An overview of the current evidence for the relationship between the cities prior to the Barcids is available in Ferrer Albelda and Pliego Vásquez, 2011.

18.
For Hannibal at Gades see chapter 5. For Melqart see Bonnet, 1986; and Rawlings, 2005, on Hannibal, Herakles and Melqart; Miles, 2010 and 2011 for Melqart and the Barcid family; Malkin, 2011, 119–141 on the dynamic duo who were heroes of the colonial west; Campus, 2005 on the links between Herakles, Hannibal and Alexander; Aubet 2001, 259–279 on Cadiz, location, foundation and function in the early first millennium
BCE
. Fear, 2005 charts the temple as a place of pilgrimage through antiquity. Mierse, 2000 looks at the temple in the Arabic sources.

19.
Broader political motivations and close connections with the old Phoenician colonies seem possible but there is no existing evidence. The loss of Sardinia is given as the catalyst in Cassius Dio (see below page 66, and note 28). For Tarshish and Tartessos see chapter 1, p. 8 and note 7.

20.
It was in this period of Carthaginian conquest in the 230s that the inland populations of Iberia were, for the first time, articulated historically. Thus no full picture of the landscape in the third century
BCE
exists, although recent archaeological research has done much to broaden our perspective on settlement and communications, in English see Neville, 2007; articles in Bierling, 2002 for the Phoenicians in Spain; see also Aubet, 2001, 257–346 for the colonies in the west and far west. See articles in Ferrer Albelda (ed.), 2010 for the Punic period and Morillo et al. (eds), 2003 for the early period of the Roman conquest.

21.
See Hoyos, 2005, 55 for the number of soldiers in Hamilcar’s army. Diodorus Siculus 25.12 for the army 10 years on; Lancel, 1995, 35 on the ‘reconquest’.

22.
Hamilcar probably had his younger sons with him, if not most of his family other than his daughters who were already married. See Zonaras 8.21 on learning the arts of war from his father. Hoyos, 2005, 54 and 66–67 notes the guidance Hannibal received from his father and how close they were. We do not know the age of the youngest son, Mago, but if he was born in
c.
243 he was probably learning to ride etc. from the age of 6 or 7.

23.
Cornelius Nepos,
Hann.
13.3; Sosylus and Silenus both wrote histories, no longer extant, of Hannibal’s campaigns.

24.
In this period in the Iberian peninsula the geography of the peoples and leaders is vague at best and sometimes confused, especially by Livy. The leaders mentioned here were possibly leaders of the Tartessi and Turdetani who occupied the regions north and south of the Guadalquivir river. See
Map 2
.

25.
See Miles, 2010: 222–225 here on the Hellenistic aspect of Carthaginian rule in Iberia; also Lancel, 1999, 34–43 and G-C. Picard, 1983–84 on Hannibal’s Hellenistic-styled power, which he inherited from his brother-in-law and father.