Hannibal: A Hellenistic Life (48 page)

26.
This idea is clearly laid out in Eckstein, 2006, 160–180 and Rawlings, 2010, 258.

27.
Herodotus (7.158 and 166), which link the battle of Himera to the Persian invasion of Greece, has long been seen as a conflation of events. See Prag, 2010, 55–57 on the dedication set up at Delphi to honour the victory. For two different opinions on Carthaginian imperialism see Whittaker, 1978 and Eckstein, 2006, 160–163. Krings, 1998, 261–326 provides a close analysis of the source material and scholarship. See also Prag, 2010, who looks at how the Greek tyrants used a perceived threat of Carthage to harness their own power and how this has fed into our negative portrayal of the Carthaginians; see also Ameling, 2011; Dench, 2005; Wilson, 2013; Zambon, 2006 and 2008.

28.
Graphs in Parker, 1992 show a jump in Mediterranean shipwrecks in the third century
BCE
. The graph is reproduced with analysis in Horden and Purcell, 2000, 371.

29.
Diodorus Siculus provides the most extensive detail of the battles between the Carthaginians and Greeks in Sicily over the fifth and fourth centuries, see 13.79.8–13.114; 14.40–14.96; 15.15–17; 15.15. 24; 16.66–83. See also Diodorus 20.8.4 for the irrigation and intensive agriculture practised by the Carthaginian elite.

30.
The sailor’s guide was called a
periplus
in Greek, see Lipinski, 2004, 433–434, who looks at the evidence from Pseudo-Scylax, fourth century
BCE
. The allied settlements to the west may have extended to Lixus and beyond on the Atlantic coast of Morocco. To the east, the legend of the
Ars Philenorum
(Altars of the Philaeni are referred to in Sallust,
Bellum Jugurthum
, 79) traditionally marked the boundary between Carthaginian and Greek allied territory along the coast (
Map 2
).

31.
There may have been shared legal rights, cultural values, laws and magistracies based on similar systems. The identities of the various peoples that lived within the area of Carthaginian influence lie outside clear-cut ethnic distinctions. See Bonnet, 2011, 373 and also Quinn, 2011, 398, who discusses the ‘openness of Carthaginian culture in the Hellenistic period’.

32.
Hoyos, 2010, 39–42; and Eckstein, 2006, 160. For views on a Carthaginian empire see Whittaker, 1978 and also Lancel, 1995, 78–109 on the beginning of empire and expansion; more on Carthage’s power in the time of Hannibal in Hoyos, 2005, with full bibliography. Serrati, 2006 analyses Carthaginian treaties and Eckstein, 2006 on
Mediterranean Anarchy
gives a broader picture; Miles, 2010, 58–159, outlines the development of Carthaginian power and includes an excellent bibliography.

33.
Changes in the housing at Carthage to a more typical Levantine style in the seventh/sixth centuries
BCE
may indicate an influx of new peoples from cities in the east under pressure from the Assyrian/Babylonian expansions and then the Persian conquest of the region. For changes see Docter et al., 2007, 92–94. A further influx must have followed when Alexander sacked Tyre in 333
BCE
.

34.
‘They believed that Heracles (Melqart), who was worshipped in their mother city, was exceedingly angry with them, they sent a large sum of money and many of the most expensive offerings to Tyre.’ The forenames of the Barcids and in fact most Carthaginians were ‘theophoric’; Hannibal’s brother and brother-in-law were both named Hasdrubal (
Zrb’l
), meaning ‘Ba’al is my help’. Hamilcar is transcribed as
Bdmlqrt
in the Punic–Phoenician dialect of Carthage. Mago, another of the Barcid brothers, also written Magon, was
Mgn
in the Punic script, the meaning of which was derived from the root ‘a gift’ or ‘to give’. Benz, 1972, 133–137 and 339; Krahmalkov, 2000, 270; for a list of Carthaginian names and their meanings see also Halff, 1963–4.

35.
‘Sons of Tyre’ noted in Miles, 2010, 61 from inscriptions at Carthage.

36.
The
periplus
of Hanno provides the evidence for a Carthaginian expedition to the Niger delta on the west coast of Africa with 50 penteconters (a ship with 50 oars); see Lancel, 1995, 102–109 and recently González Ponce, 2010, who discusses the veracity of the document.

37.
Tombs present a vivid picture of Carthaginian wealth, ritual and trade in the archaic period. Wealth in precious metals and their symbolism reveal a mix of influences that come together at Carthage. See Lancel, 1995, 215–228 on the burials.

38.
See the discussion on the zones, unity and connectivity in the Mediterranean by Horden and Purcell, 2000, Bresson, 2005, esp. 95–104 for the Greeks, Phoenicians and Carthaginians, see also Millard, 2000, on the Phoenicians at sea, and Zimmerman Munn, 2003, on Corinth and Carthaginian trade in the Classical period, Fentress, 2013 on the Etruscans. See Palmer, 1997 on Rome and Carthage at peace, articles in Moscati (ed.), 2001 provide an excellent sample of the material culture of Carthage and the Western Phoenicians; and, more directly related to Hannibal’s time, see Peters (ed.), 2004 for the material remains of Carthage from the third century.

39.
See here Lancel, 1995, 111, recent work by Hoyos, 2010; Miles, 2010, and museum exhibitions and catalogues on the Phoenicians see Fontan and Le Meaux (eds), 2007, and for the Carthaginians and Hannibal see Peters (ed.), 2004; for many of the images see Moscati (ed.), 2001.

40.
Cicero,
Leg. Agr.
2.87. Cristofori, 2001, 6–11 traces the origins of this thinking back to Plato with the sea ‘breeding in men’s souls knavish and tricky ways’ (Plato,
Leges
4.705a); this notion is also found in Thucydides 6.34.2: ‘they have an abundance of gold and silver, by which war and everything else is expedited’. See also Rawlings, 2010, 254–256;
Rich, 1993; and Eckstein, 2006, 164–167. Polybius reinforces the notion of Roman defensive imperialism, with Harris 1985, 163–210 providing the much discussed alternative view.

41.
On the ‘bellicose nature of Rome and Carthage’ see Eckstein, 2006, 177–178. The agricultural importance of the rich and fertile lands of the Carthaginian heartland along the Bagradas river valley are often overlooked, also that one of the ancient world’s foremost writers on agriculture, Mago, was a Carthaginian whose work survives in excerpts in Roman writers; e.g. Columella (3.12.5, 3.15.4, 5.5.4) records Mago’s instructions on viticulture. The literary evidence for Carthaginian agriculture has recently been studied by Krings, 2008, who examines the ideological background to Roman claims of Carthaginian wealth.

42.
Gruen (ed.), 2011, 125, argues for a grudging ‘mutual respect’ between ‘fierce foes’. For the depiction of the Carthaginians in Greek sources see Barceló, 1994, and more recently the discussion in Prag, 2010 of the use of the Carthaginian threat by successive Greek despots in Sicily.

43.
Translation used here from Leigh, 2004, 45–46. The
Poeni
, the Punic people, were so called because of their Phoenician heritage. The Phoenician label has uncertain origins from the Greek
phenix
– which can imply the colour ‘purple/red’ from the precious purple dye extracted in antiquity from murex shells by the Phoenicians. Or
phenix
could also mean ‘palm’ as in ‘palm tree’ in Ancient Greek, which is a symbol found frequently on Carthaginian coins and votive stelae. For a discussion of the significance of the palm tree see Prag, 2006, 26–28.

44.
Gruen (ed.), 2011 on the identity of the Carthaginians provides a nuanced look at the positive and negative characterizations. Prag, 2006 on the idea of the Punics. The
Studia Phoenicia
series, published since 1983, is an excellent resource. Recent publications on the Carthaginians in English include Hoyos, 2010 and Miles, 2010. Further discussion of the identity of Carthage in Quinn, 2011 and Bonnet, 2011; and articles in Prag and Quinn (eds), 2013 on the Hellenistic West continue to provide more nuance and understanding. Lancel, 1995, although now out of date, can still provide an important overview.

45.
Thought to have been written
c
. 190
BCE
. A modern comparison might be trying to interpret the culture of 20th-century Germany from a British comedy, and the problems with this are fully acknowledged. See Palmer, 1997, 31–52 on Carthaginian cargoes at Rome, full of interesting detail derived from an analysis of Plautus. See also Lancel, 1995 405–406; Gruen (ed.), 2011, 126–129; Erskine, 2013, Franko, 1996 and Leigh, 2004, 24–56.

46.
The term used is
puer cauponius
, with an innuendo of sexual exploitation.

47.
Palmer, 1997, 34 note 15 suggests that such a garment may perhaps be viewed on the statue of a youth found at the site of Motya. For an image of the statue see Lancel, 1995 323–324, fig. 193 or Fentress, 2013 (note 48 below); see also Maes, 1989 on the clothing of Carthaginian men. The underwear comment from the fragmentary Polybius 12.26a.3–4 repeats the slur of Timoleon, who accuses the Carthaginians of ‘holding their hands for the whole of their life idle inside their tunics, and above all wear undergarments under their tunics that they may not even when killed in battle be exposed to the view of their enemies’. This garment may be the kind of kilt or wrap that can be seen in Egyptian male dress, although opinions differ. See Maes, 1989, 19.

48.
The wearing of earrings is illustrated on the sarcophagus of Larth Partunu found in Tarquinia from the fourth century that depicts an Etruscan aristocrat with a pierced ear, and his philo-Carthaginian attitude is confirmed by his adoption of Carthaginian dress. Recently see Fentress, 2013, 162.

49.
Hanno’s Punic is mistranslated into absurdities, so that African mice are imported to be used in the games (Plautus,
Poenulus
1010–13) indicating a familiarity with wild animals from Africa as regular imports even by this date. See Lancel, 1995, 405–406; Erskine, 2013 for Roman responses to Carthage.

50.
Again see Palmer, 1997, 37–44. Pigs are depicted on some ceremonial bronze razors at Carthage. Although Picard interprets them as wild boar, perhaps representing mythical events, one looks particularly pig-like. See Picard, C. 1967, plate 25, razor n. 30, plate 26, razor n. 31.

51.
Tyriosque bilingues
, other references in Gruen, 2011, 126–129.

52.
Plautus’ Punic may be mimicking slang or dialect, although there is some disagreement over the translation and meaning of the Punic used, see Palmer, 1997, 33–36.

53.
As noted in Leigh, 2004, 24–56, which is a thoughtful discussion of Plautus and Hannibal.

54.
Palmer, 1997 and also Lancel, 1995, 405–406; Franko, 1996, 425 and 429 for the translation used here.

55.
See Gruen, 2011, 113–140.

56.
Note the debate on Hanno’s characterization as sympathetic or not in Franko, 1996 and Palmer, 1997, 30–35 on Hanno’s
pietas
; Leigh, 2004 (as above, note 45); the ties of friendship and patronage between some Carthaginian and Roman families are discussed by Brizzi, 2009.

57.
The image of the anchor and ship recounted in Rawlings, 2010, 255 and used by Picard and Picard, 1958, 168. Note the use of the plural ‘harbours’ in Cicero indicating more than one location for harbours. This would be useful in explaining why the current visible harbours seem to date from the late third/early second century
BCE
. In Cicero’s time Carthage had yet to be officially rebuilt – his image must be of the Punic city.

58.
For the sea walls and reconstruction, see Lancel, 1995 135–137, fig. 70 following excavations by the German Archaeological Institute, Rome.

59.
Eshmun, in the role as ‘son of justice’ and civic god here, Lipinski, 2004, 488–492. For Eshmun as the ‘Ba’al (Lord) of Sidon’ see Clifford, 1990, 57. The Carthaginian god Eshmun was multifaceted and was sometimes identified with the Greek Apollo (see below note 60) and on the Byrsa hill with Asclepius, the role of lawgiver to the god who crowned the city discussed in Lipinski, 2004, 484–492. For the temple of Asclepius see Appian,
Libyca
130, Strabo,
Geography
17.3, 14, Livy 41.22 and 42.24. The famous temple of Bel at Palmyra may provide a good parallel for the style.

60.
The Cape of Eshmun, north of Carthage, where Scipio landed his invasion force, was called the Promontory of the Beautiful One, or the Promontory of Apollo Polyb. 3.2.5, 23.1.4, 24.2.4). Livy (30.10.9) records the name as ‘Rusucmona’ (
rus usmun
, in Lipinski, 2004, 484).

61.
See Lancel, 1995 156–172 for detailed plans of the Byrsa quarter housing.

62.
Purely hypothetical assumption but there were more substantial homes down near the sea in the late Punic period, with peristyles, see Lancel, 1995, 153–154 but the presence of large Roman elite housing up on the hill of Juno makes the previous use at least a possibility. The Megara area, enclosed by the circuit walls and rich in agricultural land, may also have been where the elite houses were, and still are today. The archaic cemeteries present a problem for houses on the hills surrounding the Byrsa but recent excavations have shown that the Carthaginians moved their cemeteries at various times when the city needed to grow: see Docter, 2007 and 2002–3.

63.
The details of the housing on the Byrsa come from Appian’s description of the destruction of Carthage. A version of the god Reshep was worshipped in the agora and was equated with Apollo. A great statue from this temple wound up in Rome after the sack of Carthage (‘the great Apollo from Carthage, opposite the Circus’ see Plutarch,
Flam.
1). See Miles, 2010, prologue, note 7 for the reference to the identification of the location.