Hatchepsut: The Female Pharaoh (43 page)

24
Hayes, W. C. (1973),
Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty
, Princeton: 316.

25
Maspero, G. (1896),
The Struggle of the Nations
, London: 242–3.

26
Smith, G.E. (1912),
The Royal Mummies
, Cairo: 29.

27
Carter, H. and Newberry, P. E. (1904),
The Tomb of Thoutmosis IV
, London.

28
For a review of the various caches, consult Reeves, C. N. (1990),
Valley of the Kings: the decline of a royal necropolis
, London: Chapter 10.

29
Brugsch's words quoted in Wilson, E. (1887), Finding Pharaoh,
The Century Magazine
. Brugsch was apparently concerned that his candle might cause a conflagration in the dry and dusty chamber. John Romer, who also quotes from Brugsch, devotes a chapter to the circumstances surrounding the finding of the Deir el-Bahri cache in Romer, J. (1981),
Valley of the Kings
, London.

30
Dawson, W. R. (1947), Letters from Maspero to Amelia Edwards,
Journal of Egyptian Archaeology
33:70.

31
See, however, Reeves, C. N. (1990),
Valley of the Kings: the decline of a royal necropolis
, London, Chapter 10: 18–19. Reeves believes that Tuthmosis II was not interred in the Valley of the Kings, but in a lesser tomb at Deir el-Bahri.

32
See, for example, Gardiner, A. (1961),
Egypt of the Pharaohs
, Oxford: 181 ‘… from its neglect one might conjecture that no one cared very much what was his fate’; Hayes, W. C. (1935),
Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty
, Princeton: 144 ‘…one could hardly have expected her to have
had either the inclination or the opportunity to make elaborate preparations for Tuthmosis II's burial.’

33
Sethe, K., Helck, W.
et al.
(1906–58),
Urkunden der 18. Dynastie
, Leipzig and Berlin: 180, 8–12.

34
This is discussed further in Redford, D. B. (1967),
History and Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt: seven studies
, Toronto: 74–6.

35
Consult Gabolde, L. (1987), La chronologie du règne de Thoutmosis II, ses conséquences sur la datation des momies royales et leurs répercussions sur l'histoire du développement de la Vallée des Rois,
Studien zur Altägyp-tischen Kultur
14: 61–81. The problem of Hatchepsut's age is discussed in Bierbrier, M. L. (1995), How old was Hatchepsut?,
Goettinger Miszellen
144: 15–19.

36
Naville, E. (1894),
The Temple of Deir el-Bahari: its plan, its founders and its first explorers: Introductory Memoir
, 12th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 14.

Chapter 4 King of Egypt

1
Extract from the biography of Ineni, translated in Breasted, J. H. (1906),
Ancient Records of Egypt: historical documents
, vol. 2, Chicago: 341.

2
Lichtheim, M. (1973),
Ancient Egyptian Literature I: the Old and Middle Kingdoms
, Los Angeles: 220.

3
Sethe, K and Helck, W. (1906–58)
Urkunden der 18. Dynastie
, Leipzig and Berlin, 4.219, 13–220, 6. Breasted, J. H. (1988),
Ancient Records of Egypt
, 2nd edition, 2, Chicago: 187–212.

4
Naville, E. (1896),
The Temple of Deir el-Bahari Part 2
, 14th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 15.

5
Naville, E. (1896),
The Temple of Deir el-Bahari Part 2
, 14th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 17.

6
Naville, E. (1898),
The Temple of Deir el-Bahari Part 3
, 16th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 5–6.

7
The partially erased inscription with a similar theme carved on the upper northern colonnade at the Deir el-Bahri mortuary temple and already discussed in Chapter 3 is also best disregarded as pure fiction, and contributes little to our search for the date of Hatchepsut's accession.

8
A donation stela recovered from North Karnak, apparently erected by Senenmut in Year 4, seems at first sight to offer proof of a co-regency by Year 4 as it refers to Tuthmosis III as king, describes Hatchepsut as ‘Maatkare’, and mentions the mortuary temple of Deir el-Bahri which
can only have been built following Hatchepsut's accession. However, this stela was badly damaged soon after it was carved and, although it has undergone extensive restoration during the 19th Dynasty, we cannot now be certain that our reading of the year date is accurate. References to Senenmut's tomb suggest that the stela was carved some time after Year 7.

9
For further details concerning this cult, consult Bell, L. (1985), Luxor Temple and the Cult of the Royal
Ka, Journal of Near Eastern Studies
44: 251–94.

10
Translation given by Dorman, who examines the evidence for the accession date of Hatchepsut in minute detail, giving valuable references to earlier and more specialized publications. Consult Dorman, P. F. (1988),
The Monuments of Senenmut: problems in historical methodology
, London, Chapter 2: 22.

11
As McDowell has pointed out: ‘It is at any rate suspicious that the god Amen's wishes so often coincided with the manifest desire of the King or the High Priest… although this may have been the result of some subconscious influence on those who interpreted the god's will rather than the more crass manipulation of the proceedings.’ McDowell, A. (1990),
Jurisdiction in the Workmen's Community of Deir el-Medina
, Leiden: 107.

12
The celebration of the
heb-sed
forms the basis of William Golding's ancient Egyptian novella
The Scorpion God
(1971), London.

13
See Uphill, E. P. (1961), A joint
sed
-festival of Thutmose III and Queen Hatchepsut,
Journal of Near Eastern Studies
20: 248–51.

14
Hayes, W. C. (1935),
Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty
, Princeton: 144.

15
Hayes, W C. (193 5),
Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty
, Princeton: 146.

16
Harem plots and palace intrigues were rarely included in the official Egyptian records as they were classed as grievous offences against
maat
and as such were considered best ignored, but they did exist.

17
Winlock, H. E. (1928), The Egyptian Expedition 1927–1928,
Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York
23.2: 8.

18
From the statue-base of Inebny, now housed in the British Museum, quoted and discussed in Murnane, W.J. (1977),
Ancient Egyptian Coregencies
, Chicago: 41.

19
It is, of course, always possible that he did indeed do so, but this begs the question why wait until Hatchepsut was a relatively old woman (aged between thirty-five and fifty-five) before having her killed?

20
The whole question of the proscription of Hatchepsut's memory is considered in detail in Chapter 8.

21
Gibbon, E. (1896), J. B. Bury (ed.),
The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire
, London, 1: 149.

22
Breasted, J. (1906),
Ancient Records of Egypt: historical documents
, vol. 2, Chicago: 342, 343.

23
Ray, J. (1994), Hatchepsut the female pharaoh,
History Today
44.5: 28.

24
The Deir el-Bahri mortuary temple,
Djeser-Djeseru
, is considered in more detail in Chapter 6.

25
Christie, A. (1945),
Death Comes as the End
, Glasgow. The identification of the path is made in Romer, J. (1981),
Valley of the Kings
, London: 135.

26
Romer, J. (1974), Tuthmosis I and the Biban el-Moluk,
Journal of Egyptian Archaeology
60: 119–33.

27
Winlock, H. E. (1929), Notes on the reburial of Tuthmosis I,
Journal of Egyptian Archaeology
15: 64.

28
Davis, T. M. (ed.) (1906),
The tomb of Hatshopsitu
, London: xiii.

29
Carter, H., (1906), Description of the finding and excavation of the tomb, in Davis, T. M. (ed.) (1906),
The tomb of Hatshopsitu
, London: 80.

30
Hayes, W. C. (1935),
Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty
, Princeton: 98.

31
See, for example, Robins, G. (1983), Natural and canonical proportions in ancient Egyptians,
Goettinger Miszellen
61:17–25. Robins's figures are based on pre-New Kingdom skeletal remains.

32
Hayes, W. C. (1935),
Royal Sarcophagi of the XVIII Dynasty
, Princeton: 139–140. Hayes believed that Tuthmosis I had originally been buried in KV 38, and that Tuthmosis III was merely restoring his grandfather to his rightful tomb. It is perhaps somewhat unfair to criticize Hatchepsut's meanness in providing her father with a second-hand sarcophagus, as such rare a piece of craftsmanship, even second-hand, would have been immensely valuable.

33
Winlock, H. E. (1929), Notes on the reburial of Tuthmosis I,
Journal of Egyptian Archaeology
59.

34
Maspero, G. (1896),
The Struggle of the Nations
, London: 582.

35
While it is not entirely impossible that Tuthmosis I died young, and indeed his highest recorded regnal year is only Year 4, the historical evidence would suggest that he enjoyed a longer life. For a discussion of the reign lengths of Tuthmosis I and Tuthmosis II, consult Wente, E. F. and Van Siclen, C. C. (1977), A Chronology of the New Kingdom,
Studies in Honor of George R. Hughes
, Chicago: 217–61. The problem of using X-ray analysis to age mummies is discussed in more detail in Robins, G. (1981), The value of the estimated ages of the royal mummies at death as historical evidence,
Goettinger Miszellen
45: 63–8.

36
The first mortuary chapel of Tuthmosis I is considered in further detail in Quirke, S. (1990), Kerem in the Fitzwilliam Museum,
Journal of Egyptian Archaeology
76: 170–74.

Chapter 5 War and Peace

1
Winlock, H. E (1928), The Egyptian Expedition 1925–1927,
Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York
23.2: 47. Winlock is quoting from Hatchepsut's own less than modest description of herself.

2
Buttles, J. R. (1908),
The Queens of Egypt
, London: 90. Buttles is again quoting directly from Hatchepsut's monuments.

3
Benson, M. and Gourlay, J. (1899),
The Temple of Mut in Asher
, London: 160.

4
Hayes, W. C. (1959),
The Scepter of Egypt
, 2, New York: 100.

5
For a full discussion of Hatchepsut's statuary and its significance consult Tefnin, R. (1979),
La Statuaire d'Hatshepsout: portrait royal et politique sous la 18e dynastie
, Brussels.

6
Naville, E. (1898),
The Temple of Deir el-Bahari Part 3
, 16th Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, London: 5.

7
See, for example, Gardiner, A. (1961),
Egypt of the Pharaohs
, Oxford: 183: ‘Twice before in Egypt's earlier history a queen had usurped the kingship, but it was a wholly new departure for a female to pose and dress as a man.’

8
Margetts, E. L. (1951), The masculine character of Hatchepsut, Queen of Egypt,
Bulletin of the History of Medicine
25: 559.

9
Margetts, E. L. (1951), The masculine character of Hatchepsut, Queen of
Egypt, Bulletin of the History of Medicine
25: 561.

10
Warner, M. (1981),
Joan of Arc: the image of female heroism
, London, 145–6.

11
Deuteronomy 22: 5. It is interesting that by the late twentieth century, most societies will accept a woman wearing traditional men's clothing, but the sight of a man in a dress is still perceived as deviant sexual behaviour.

12
This is discussed further in Tefnin, R. (1979),
La Statuaire d'Hatshepsout: portrait royal et politique sous la 18e dynastie
, Brussels.

13
For this, and other examples of imagery in Elizabethan art, consult Strong, R. (1977),
The Cult of Elizabeth
, London.

14
Extract from the obelisk inscription of Hatchepsut, translated by S. R. Snape.

15
Gardiner, A. (1961),
Egypt of the Pharaohs
, Oxford: 189. Gardiner is by no means the only egyptologist to have represented Hatchepsut's reign as an entirely peaceful one without offering much evidence in support of his assumption. Donald Redford has given a detailed examination of all the available evidence for Hatchepsut's wars in Redford, D. B. (1967),
History and Chronology of the Eighteenth Dynasty: seven studies
,
Toronto: Chapter 4. Redford concludes that Hatchepsut's military campaigns have in fact been significantly understated.