mitted diseases were commonly offered as reasons against promiscuity. If women chose to avoid painful and dangerous abortions, they faced the prospect of unwanted or stigmatized children, or lives alone without the financial or emotional support of the fathers of their offspring. Men faced the moral and legal responsibilities of paternity. Sexually transmitted diseases were often difficult for sexual partners to detect and were notoriously painful once contracted. Some, if left untreated, were lethal.
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A counterclaim of the pre-AIDS sexual revolution was that with the advent of modern technology, including modern birth control drugs and devices, safer and easier access to abortions, and medications to ease the pain of venereal disease, promiscuity was a safe, sane, and even recommended way to enjoy sex. Women could at last taste the pleasures of sex free from the fear or guilt of pregnancy, and men could indulge their fantasies fully liberated from the Victorian banes of enforced marriage or debilitating disease. Despite the conservative moral lament that sex was appropriate only within the confines of marriage, the practical arguments discouraging a variety of sexual partners seemed to be dispelled once and for all by modern science.
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Decades after the flowering of the 1960s sexual revolution, however, American middle-class access to abortion and birth control still does not include the millions of poor or working-class single women with or without children, who have no health insurance or benefits to cover the costs of family planning. Women of color are particularly affected, since they rank extremely low in average income relative to single white women or white men. For poor married women, men at home are no guarantee of a steady paycheck or emotional support for birth control. Furthermore, despite the 1973 U.S. Supreme Court ruling of Roe v. Wade establishing a woman's legal right to abortion, many states still make abortions psychologically and practically difficult for women of all classes. 84 Thus, marriage provides no guarantee of ready solutions to unwanted pregnancies, nor is it a bulwark against the venereal disease that errant husbands may bring home with them. Many teenage girls are not allowed by their parents or physicians to use birth control, yet they continue to have sex with boyfriends who find condoms uncomfortable or inhibiting. The sexual revolution not only appears to cater to the interests of men over women in the ways discussed in the preceding sections; it also appears to cater to an adult, white, and middle-class bias as well.
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The politically liberal solution has been to advocate for state and federal monies for education and access to contraception and abortion. The conservative moral solution has been to continue to argue against the morality of promiscuity, calling for a reinstatement of the intimacy, emotional commitment, and strong "family values" that monogamous marriage promises. The emergence of AIDS in the late 1970s seemed made to order for a sexual counterrevolution aimed to strike a fatal blow against promiscuous sex. For many conservatives, AIDS symbolizes the inevitable decline of a sexually permissive society, a society that condones a gay lifestyle that conservatives believe is disgusting or perverse. AIDS is regarded by many such conservatives as just punishment for an unnatural sex life irresponsibly lived. Intravenous drug users who contract AIDS are denigrated not for their sexual habits but for their immoral lifestyle. By the mid-1980s, when the sexual transmission of AIDS came to be regarded as a serious threat to the heterosexual community, AIDS became a ral-
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