circumscribed by a feminine stereotype that relegates women to the private, domestic, sexual, and reproductive sphere and men to the public, professional, intellectual, and political one. Men's power in such a culture is the power to define the public world as more valuable than the private and to convince women that our real value lies in the sexual and reproductive roles that fulfill men's interests and men's needs. Professional career women can still be expected to take responsibility for child care and housework, hiring other women to perform the necessary day labor; sexual harassment, violence, and abuse, no matter what a woman's social or economic status, are reminders of her primary gender identification as the sexual subordinate of men. In a culture that fully approves of women only when we are heterosexually attractive, women will appear "naturally" to gravitate to those social and economic roles that portray us as the proper sexual objects of men as a way of gaining prestige, social acceptance, and financial support. Such prestige is tenuous, however, as I pointed out in chapter 2, since a woman's socially constructed sexuality, reconceptualized as the "nature" of woman, is as much an excuse for her degradation and abuse as for her approval by men. Thus, when women choose sex work, they do so within a political hierarchy that circumscribes their legitimate social and economic choices in terms of women's natural and proper sexual subordination to men.
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Women who choose sex work under such ideological conditions must be regarded as both the subjects and objects of their sexual experience. They remain subjects in that even sex workers victimized by poverty or blackmailed into sex work are women whose eroticism derives in part from their being perceived as women whose wills can be subordinated and controlled. Moreover, many self-identified sex workers enjoy what they do, agree to basic terms and conditions of work that earns them a supporting and sometimes superior income, and take pleasure in the personal satisfaction of a job well done. Nevertheless, all such women are also the male-identified objects of a subordinating sexuality that is reinforced by the prevailing culture and made real by rape, sexual harassment, battery, and abuse that are justified by appeals to female inferiority. A woman's willingness to model sexual bondage or abuse, to portray rape for sport, or simply to parade naked in high heels before high-paying, fully clothed men is a sign to many feminists of just how successful her indoctrination into her own subordination has become. From such a view, the sex industry functions as a medium of social control for insuring women's sexual compliance and reinforcing our political silence. As Catharine MacKinnon points out, "[W]ho listens to a woman with a penis in her mouth?" 126 Such control is particularly defaming, according to some feminists, because while Jews and blacks have been treated like laboratory rats or plow horses, no one ever assumed that those persecuted wanted to be treated that way. Therefore, even the work of the most self-identified female sex worker will be circumscribed by a subject/ object dialectic that commits her to examining how her actions encourage and reinforce the prevailing sexual ideology.
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For example, when sex worker Valerie Scott says that most of her married clients still love their wives but that sometimes men just need a sexual change of pace, 127 she fails to situate her prostitution within a sexist ideology in which women have no similar outlet for our adulterous peccadillos nor a way to maintain our status of "good girl" if we had. Thus, even if Scott is right that "lust will never replace love," so that truly loved wives need not be threatened by prostitution, she does not take re-
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