Indeed, many feminists point out that sexual violence against women in the United States is considered staggering enough in scope and intensity that many mental health professionals, social scientists, and legal theorists refer to it as a national epidemic. 1 However, these same feminists contend that characterizing sexual violence as epidemic may leave many with the impression that the violator is a mentally ill, deviant, or otherwise deranged individual whose personal responsibility for his actions is mitigated by serious psychopathology. Feminist researchers of sexual violence against women point out that such acts are perpetrated by men of every class, nationality, race, age, sexual preference, or religion, men whose personality profiles most often put them well within the range of "normal" and whose victims are themselves equally diverse. 2 The 1990s have seen a dramatic increase in various highly publicized sexual harassment, rape, or battery allegations, including Anita Hill's 1991 charges of sexual harassment against then Supreme Court Justice nominee Clarence Thomas; allegations against former U.S. Senator Bob Packwood for sexual harassment over the past two decades of several female secretaries and aides; Paula Jones's allegations of sexual harassment by President Bill Clinton when he was governor of Arkansas; charges of sexual assault at the 1991 Tailhook Association Convention in Las Vegas, at which over 100 female officers were allegedly accosted by Navy and Marine Corps men; allegations of rape against Mike Tyson (1991, convicted) and William Kennedy Smith (1992, acquitted); charges of sexual harassment and intimidation against the 1993 Lakewood, California, high school men's Spur Posse, whose members would compete for the best female "score"; and O. J. Simpson's alleged harassment and assault of his former wife Nicole Brown Simpson, whose murder he was charged with (1994) and acquitted of (1995). Such cases paint a very public picture of workplace, domestic, and campus life that, together with researchers' survey data, would appear to reflect women's widespread sexual intimidation by men.
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Feminism is often identified with the claim that the pervasive and often violent sexual intimidation of women by men is by no means a coincidental series of isolated, spontaneous, or unrelated events; rather, it is evidence of the systematic and institutionalized sexual subordination of women whose intimidation serves a patriarchal status quo. Indeed, many feminists contend that while women are less likely to be the victims of violent crime than men, men prey on other men (and women defend themselves against men) in ways that do not maintain and reinforce a cultural ideology that encourages the devaluation and sexual subordination of the male sex. 3 It is argued that in a patriarchal society in which social and economic power and prestige lie in the hands of men, the sexual intimidation of women is an especially successful means of maintaining dominance over and control of women, when that intimidation is built into the very fabric of our laws, education, economics, media, culture, and family life. From this perspective, tacit institutional approval of women's sexual harassment and abuse creates a climate of paranoia and fear in which women gain no social recognition for the violence they experience nor any economic independence or legal protection from it. Coerced into unconditional sexual accessibility by men in positions of social and economic power who define the terms and conditions of women's lives, women become the sexual victims of men. Marilyn French refers to the insidiousness of such socially sanctioned appropriation of women's bodies by men as the "slime under the rug of patriarchy." 4 The sexual vic-
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