icy of preventing and responding to this kind of intimate violence, despite a batterer's constant presence on campus. 49
|
Gender role socialization that prompts many women to take full responsibility for the success of their relationships convinces them that if only they were better lovers, housekeepers, mothers, or support systems for their families or their partners, the abuse would stop. These beliefs persist despite the clinical documentation of battered woman syndrome, a psychological condition much like the post-traumatic stress disorder suffered by war veterans and concentration camp and hostage survivors. Those who suffer from such conditions reexperience the traumatic events in dreams and externally stimulated memory, have difficulty concentrating, feel detached and alienated from loved ones, and suffer insomnia and nightmares. As with victims of sexual harassment and rape, a battered woman's psychic life features fear, shock, shame, anger, distrust, sadness, guilt, and helplessness. Suicide rates among battered women are high, as if they were carrying their abusers' destructiveness with them. 50
|
The sexual violation of a young girl is perhaps the most difficult to countenance. Florence Rush notes that the youngest victims of sexual abuse may suffer from internal hemorrhaging and ruptures from penises and objects too large for their fragile bodies; they can also enter clinics ravaged by disease and infection. 51 Not all of the sexual abuse of girls is this physically violent, at least not in the beginning: Sandra Butler reports that in the majority of father-daughter incest cases, the abuse begins with fondling, then escalates to intercourse at puberty, after a history of sexual play justifies to the father the move to the next step. 52 Even in the absence of violent abuse, the sexual molestation of girls is invasive in its violation of the trust that a young girl has been taught to place in those adults who are responsible for her protection and well-being. Like the rape of teen and adult women, the sexual violation and abuse of a prepubescent girl is perpetrated largely by men she knows and often loves or trusts: a father, stepfather, mother's boyfriend, brother's schoolmate, uncle, grandfather, foster father. Such men are typically not regarded by their community as self-serving pedophiles, mental misfits, or criminals on the loose but as law-abiding, church-going "family" men. 53
|
If a man's emotional security, sexual virility, and social status define his masculine identity yet are constantly being threatened by other men equally driven to establish their power positions in a male hierarchy, powerless children can be exploited to reassert a man's masculinity, particularly in the privacy of his home. Women's entry into the workforce in ever-increasing numbers and feminists' challenges to men's presumption of institutional dominance have often been blamed for men turning to their domestic lives to reestablish their perceived loss of control. Diana Russell argues that men far outnumber women as perpetrators of child sexual abuse because of men's gender role socialization to initiate and control the sex they want, to divorce sexuality from affection or intimacy, and to sexualize emotions that women regard as maternal and caring. As with rape, Russell attributes the sexual abuse of girls to the social and economic power disparity between women and men and to a culture of violence that dominates the effectiveness of social institutions to control the abuse. 54 Like adult women, children have traditionally been viewed as the property of the family patriarch. Many feminists argue that such a tradition lives on in the lack
|
|