Sundown Towns: A Hidden Dimension Of American Racism (92 page)
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Authors: James W. Loewen
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12
Andrew Wiese,
Places of Their Own
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 19, 145.
Andrew Wiese,
Places of Their Own
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 19, 145.
13
Boger, “Toward Ending Residential Segregation,” 1576.
Boger, “Toward Ending Residential Segregation,” 1576.
14
I simplify. Affluent whites also choose elite suburbs for other reasons, such as better schooling, as later chapters acknowledge, but again “better” often implicitly involves separation from people seen as problems—usually those of lower caste and class position.
I simplify. Affluent whites also choose elite suburbs for other reasons, such as better schooling, as later chapters acknowledge, but again “better” often implicitly involves separation from people seen as problems—usually those of lower caste and class position.
15
Michael N. Danielson,
The Politics of Exclusion
(NY: Columbia University Press, 1976), 9–10; Frederick M. Wirt et. al.,
On the City’s Rim
(Lexington, MA: D.C. Heath, 1972), 43, citing research by John Kain and Joseph Persky.
Michael N. Danielson,
The Politics of Exclusion
(NY: Columbia University Press, 1976), 9–10; Frederick M. Wirt et. al.,
On the City’s Rim
(Lexington, MA: D.C. Heath, 1972), 43, citing research by John Kain and Joseph Persky.
16
Karl Taeuber, “Racial Segregation: The Persisting Dilemma,”
The Annals
422 (11/1975), 91.
Karl Taeuber, “Racial Segregation: The Persisting Dilemma,”
The Annals
422 (11/1975), 91.
17
“A Northern City ‘Sitting on Lid’ of Racial Trouble,” 38–40; Michigan Advisory Committee on Civil Rights,
Civil Rights and the Housing and Community Development Act of 1974, v. I: Livonia
(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1975), 6; George Hunter, “Booming City Has Home to Fit Every Need, Price Range,”
Detroit News,
2/2/97.
“A Northern City ‘Sitting on Lid’ of Racial Trouble,” 38–40; Michigan Advisory Committee on Civil Rights,
Civil Rights and the Housing and Community Development Act of 1974, v. I: Livonia
(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1975), 6; George Hunter, “Booming City Has Home to Fit Every Need, Price Range,”
Detroit News,
2/2/97.
18
Albert Hermalin and Reynolds Farley quoted in Dorothy K. Newman et. al.,
Protest, Politics, and Prosperity
(New York: Pantheon, 1978), 143; Farley, Sheldon Danziger, and Harry J. Holzer,
Detroit Divided
(New York: Russell Sage, 2000), 165.
Albert Hermalin and Reynolds Farley quoted in Dorothy K. Newman et. al.,
Protest, Politics, and Prosperity
(New York: Pantheon, 1978), 143; Farley, Sheldon Danziger, and Harry J. Holzer,
Detroit Divided
(New York: Russell Sage, 2000), 165.
19
Worth
supplied four other lists of 50 towns each, covering the richest 250 towns in all.
Worth
supplied four other lists of 50 towns each, covering the richest 250 towns in all.
20
Bobbie Gossage, “The Best Address,”
Worth
11, 4 (5/2002), 59; Ellen Revelle Eckis, interviewed 2/1996 by Mary Ellen Stratthaus, “Flaw in the Jewel: Housing Discrimination against Jews in La Jolla, California,”
American Jewish History,
84, 3 (1996), 219, n.1.
Bobbie Gossage, “The Best Address,”
Worth
11, 4 (5/2002), 59; Ellen Revelle Eckis, interviewed 2/1996 by Mary Ellen Stratthaus, “Flaw in the Jewel: Housing Discrimination against Jews in La Jolla, California,”
American Jewish History,
84, 3 (1996), 219, n.1.
21
Garrett County historian, 5/2002.
Garrett County historian, 5/2002.
22
Texas A&M professor, 9/99; woman from Buffalo, 7/2002.
Texas A&M professor, 9/99; woman from Buffalo, 7/2002.
23
Inadvertently, this argument assumes that African Americans are much better at economic prognostication than whites, who seem not to have the common sense to avoid these backwaters. It also implies that their all-white status is not worth correcting: either it results from blacks’ rational choice or, if white residents do forbid their entrance, African Americans do well to avoid these towns anyway.
Inadvertently, this argument assumes that African Americans are much better at economic prognostication than whites, who seem not to have the common sense to avoid these backwaters. It also implies that their all-white status is not worth correcting: either it results from blacks’ rational choice or, if white residents do forbid their entrance, African Americans do well to avoid these towns anyway.
24
Stephen Thernstrom and Abigail Thernstrom,
America in Black and White
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1997).
Stephen Thernstrom and Abigail Thernstrom,
America in Black and White
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1997).
25
Nicole Etcheson,
The Emerging Midwest
(Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1996), 97.
Nicole Etcheson,
The Emerging Midwest
(Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1996), 97.
26
Contrast Robert Gerling:
Highland: An Illinois Swiss Community in the American Civil War
(Highland, IL: Highland Historical Society, 1978), 21, for example, with
The History of Peoria County
(Chicago: Johnson & Co., 1880), 360, 409, 418.
Contrast Robert Gerling:
Highland: An Illinois Swiss Community in the American Civil War
(Highland, IL: Highland Historical Society, 1978), 21, for example, with
The History of Peoria County
(Chicago: Johnson & Co., 1880), 360, 409, 418.
27
Princeton, another Republican town, is near but not on the Illinois River or it would also be an exception.
Princeton, another Republican town, is near but not on the Illinois River or it would also be an exception.
28
Dexter,
House Divided,
73–75;
Combined History of Shelby and Moultrie Counties, Illinois
(Philadelphia: Brink, McDonough, 1881), 31; I. J. Martin,
Notes on the History of Moultrie County and Sullivan, Illinois
(Sullivan: R. Eden Martin, 1990), 29; Jacque Neal, e-mail, 10/2001; Moultrie County teacher at Illinois Council for the Social Studies, 9/2002.
Dexter,
House Divided,
73–75;
Combined History of Shelby and Moultrie Counties, Illinois
(Philadelphia: Brink, McDonough, 1881), 31; I. J. Martin,
Notes on the History of Moultrie County and Sullivan, Illinois
(Sullivan: R. Eden Martin, 1990), 29; Jacque Neal, e-mail, 10/2001; Moultrie County teacher at Illinois Council for the Social Studies, 9/2002.
29
S. M. Lipset,
Political Man
(Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor, 1963 [1960]), 374–83.
S. M. Lipset,
Political Man
(Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor, 1963 [1960]), 374–83.
30
Western Virginia, of course, succeeded.
Western Virginia, of course, succeeded.
31
Esther S. Sanderson,
County Scott and Its Mountain Folk
(Nashville: Williams Printing, 1958), 187.
Esther S. Sanderson,
County Scott and Its Mountain Folk
(Nashville: Williams Printing, 1958), 187.
32
Michael W. Fitzgerald,
The Union League Movement in the Deep South
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1989), 17–18; David K. Shipler,
A Country of Strangers
(New York: Knopf, 1997), 108; Cullman librarian, e-mail, 7/2002; Steve Hicks, 6/2002; Haleyville librarian, 6/2002.
Michael W. Fitzgerald,
The Union League Movement in the Deep South
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1989), 17–18; David K. Shipler,
A Country of Strangers
(New York: Knopf, 1997), 108; Cullman librarian, e-mail, 7/2002; Steve Hicks, 6/2002; Haleyville librarian, 6/2002.
33
Melissa Sue Brewer, “Historical Context: Sundowning in Myakka City,” typescript, Myakka City, 2002, 1; Ralph R. Rea,
Boone County and Its People
(Van Buren, AR: Press-Argus, 1955), 53; several other county histories.
Melissa Sue Brewer, “Historical Context: Sundowning in Myakka City,” typescript, Myakka City, 2002, 1; Ralph R. Rea,
Boone County and Its People
(Van Buren, AR: Press-Argus, 1955), 53; several other county histories.
34
Mark Lause, e-mails, 6/2002, citing
History of Franklin, Jefferson, Washington, Crawford, and Gasconade Counties, Missouri
(Chicago, 1888); Art Draper, e-mail, 7/2002.
Mark Lause, e-mails, 6/2002, citing
History of Franklin, Jefferson, Washington, Crawford, and Gasconade Counties, Missouri
(Chicago, 1888); Art Draper, e-mail, 7/2002.
35
Bob Neymeyer, e-mail, 5/2002.
Bob Neymeyer, e-mail, 5/2002.
36
Lancaster resident, 8/2004.
Lancaster resident, 8/2004.
37
Political scientist Larry Peterson suggests that Italian Americans also lacked social power to keep blacks out. He further notes that Jews fled “racially changing neighborhoods as fast as, if not faster than, other whites” (Peterson, e-mail, 3/2004).
Political scientist Larry Peterson suggests that Italian Americans also lacked social power to keep blacks out. He further notes that Jews fled “racially changing neighborhoods as fast as, if not faster than, other whites” (Peterson, e-mail, 3/2004).
38
Jan Reiff, 9/2001; T. J. Woofter Jr.,
Negro Problems in Cities
(New York: Harper & Row, 1969 [1928]), 39; Hillel Levine and Lawrence Harmon,
The Death of an American Jewish Community
(New York: Free Press, 1992), 6; Thomas Sugrue,
Origins of the Urban Crisis
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 243–44; Charles Bright, e-mail, 4/2004.
Jan Reiff, 9/2001; T. J. Woofter Jr.,
Negro Problems in Cities
(New York: Harper & Row, 1969 [1928]), 39; Hillel Levine and Lawrence Harmon,
The Death of an American Jewish Community
(New York: Free Press, 1992), 6; Thomas Sugrue,
Origins of the Urban Crisis
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 243–44; Charles Bright, e-mail, 4/2004.
39
Noel Ignatiev,
How the Irish Became White
(New York: Routledge, 1995), 112, and quoting John Finch, “an English Owenite who traveled the United States in 1843,” 97.
Noel Ignatiev,
How the Irish Became White
(New York: Routledge, 1995), 112, and quoting John Finch, “an English Owenite who traveled the United States in 1843,” 97.
40
Carl Weinberg tells of the beginning of this white ethnic solidarity, vis-à-vis blacks, in the aftermath of the successful United Mine Workers strike at Virden, Illinois, in 1898. See “The Battle of Virden, the UMWA, and the Challenge of Solidarity,” in Rosemary Feurer, ed.,
Remember Virden, 1898
(Chicago: Illinois Humanities Council, n.d.), 7–8.
Carl Weinberg tells of the beginning of this white ethnic solidarity, vis-à-vis blacks, in the aftermath of the successful United Mine Workers strike at Virden, Illinois, in 1898. See “The Battle of Virden, the UMWA, and the Challenge of Solidarity,” in Rosemary Feurer, ed.,
Remember Virden, 1898
(Chicago: Illinois Humanities Council, n.d.), 7–8.
41
Yes, I know
Norwegians
dominate Lake Wobegone, which is precisely why they tell Swedish jokes on occasion.
Yes, I know
Norwegians
dominate Lake Wobegone, which is precisely why they tell Swedish jokes on occasion.
42
Granite City Public Library,
75th Year Celebration of the City of Granite City, Illinois
(Granite City: n.p., 1971), 24; Matthew Jacobson,
Whiteness of a Different Color
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998).
Granite City Public Library,
75th Year Celebration of the City of Granite City, Illinois
(Granite City: n.p., 1971), 24; Matthew Jacobson,
Whiteness of a Different Color
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998).
43
Peter Baldwin, “Italians in Middletown, 1893–1932,” B.A. thesis, Wesleyan University, 1984, 18–19; David Roediger, 8/2003.
Peter Baldwin, “Italians in Middletown, 1893–1932,” B.A. thesis, Wesleyan University, 1984, 18–19; David Roediger, 8/2003.
44
Ronald L. Lewis,
Black Coal Miners in America
(Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1987), 81.
Ronald L. Lewis,
Black Coal Miners in America
(Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1987), 81.
45
Some Greek Americans never returned to Zeigler, however, and the town still has fewer than it did before the expulsion.
Some Greek Americans never returned to Zeigler, however, and the town still has fewer than it did before the expulsion.
46
John Higham,
Strangers in the Land
(New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1955), 264;
Marion Daily Republican,
8/13/1920, 1; Williamson County genealogist, 9/2002; Winifred M. Henson, “History of Franklin County, Illinois,” M.A. thesis, Colorado State College of Education, 1942, 143; retired Zeigler miner, 9/2002.
John Higham,
Strangers in the Land
(New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1955), 264;
Marion Daily Republican,
8/13/1920, 1; Williamson County genealogist, 9/2002; Winifred M. Henson, “History of Franklin County, Illinois,” M.A. thesis, Colorado State College of Education, 1942, 143; retired Zeigler miner, 9/2002.
47
Sometimes they played this role wittingly, having no loyalty to a labor union that had kept them out, and sometimes unwittingly, having been lied to by company recruiters, lured in from hundreds of miles away, and now unable to leave owing to company coercion and lack of funds.
Sometimes they played this role wittingly, having no loyalty to a labor union that had kept them out, and sometimes unwittingly, having been lied to by company recruiters, lured in from hundreds of miles away, and now unable to leave owing to company coercion and lack of funds.
48
See conflicting reports in Caroline Waldron,“ ‘Lynch-law Must Go!’ ”J
ournal of American Ethnic History,
Fall 2000, 50–74; Felix Armfield, “Fire on the Prairies,”
Journal of Illinois History
3, 3 (2000): 188–97; Arna Bontemps and Jack Conroy,
Anyplace but Here
(New York: Hill & Wang, 1966 [1945]), 143; and various newspaper articles.
See conflicting reports in Caroline Waldron,“ ‘Lynch-law Must Go!’ ”J
ournal of American Ethnic History,
Fall 2000, 50–74; Felix Armfield, “Fire on the Prairies,”
Journal of Illinois History
3, 3 (2000): 188–97; Arna Bontemps and Jack Conroy,
Anyplace but Here
(New York: Hill & Wang, 1966 [1945]), 143; and various newspaper articles.
49
Millie Meyerholtz,
When Hatred and Fear Ruled . . . Pana, Illinois
(Pana, IL: Pana News, 2001), 1; citing Eleanor Burhorn,
Strike of Coal Miners at Pana, Illinois—1898–99,
7, 12–13; Victor Hicken, “The Virden and Pana Mine Wars of 1898,”
Illinois State Historical Society Journal
52,2 (1959), 274.
Millie Meyerholtz,
When Hatred and Fear Ruled . . . Pana, Illinois
(Pana, IL: Pana News, 2001), 1; citing Eleanor Burhorn,
Strike of Coal Miners at Pana, Illinois—1898–99,
7, 12–13; Victor Hicken, “The Virden and Pana Mine Wars of 1898,”
Illinois State Historical Society Journal
52,2 (1959), 274.
50
Meyerholtz,
When Hatred and Fear Ruled,
8, 17, 21, 25–26, 33; Lewis,
Black Coal Miners in America,
92–93.
Meyerholtz,
When Hatred and Fear Ruled,
8, 17, 21, 25–26, 33; Lewis,
Black Coal Miners in America,
92–93.
51
Marvin L. Van Gilder,
The Story of Barton County
(Lamar, MO: Reiley, 1972), 20; staff member, Missouri Southern State College, 4/2001.
Marvin L. Van Gilder,
The Story of Barton County
(Lamar, MO: Reiley, 1972), 20; staff member, Missouri Southern State College, 4/2001.
52
Paul M. Angle,
Bloody Williamson
(New York: Knopf, 1952), 120–25; Patton,
In the Shadow of the Tipple,
30–32.
Paul M. Angle,
Bloody Williamson
(New York: Knopf, 1952), 120–25; Patton,
In the Shadow of the Tipple,
30–32.
53
Angle wrote contemporaneously with Goodwin but should have known of her as a source because of her prominence in the black community.
Angle wrote contemporaneously with Goodwin but should have known of her as a source because of her prominence in the black community.
54
It isn’t always clear, especially in the oral tradition, which disaster was which, or who—by race and ethnicity—was blown up when. Historian Paul Angle claims most of the dead were Hungarians; others think most of the casualties were African Americans. Historians also disagree with each other and with the oral tradition as to the causes of the disasters, without explaining adequately the basis for their positions. At the time, the mine management thought the strikers blew up the strikebreakers, and a coroner’s jury agreed. On the other hand, an inquiry by the state called it an accident and blamed it on gas buildup, and Angle and Patton agree.
It isn’t always clear, especially in the oral tradition, which disaster was which, or who—by race and ethnicity—was blown up when. Historian Paul Angle claims most of the dead were Hungarians; others think most of the casualties were African Americans. Historians also disagree with each other and with the oral tradition as to the causes of the disasters, without explaining adequately the basis for their positions. At the time, the mine management thought the strikers blew up the strikebreakers, and a coroner’s jury agreed. On the other hand, an inquiry by the state called it an accident and blamed it on gas buildup, and Angle and Patton agree.
55
Angle,
Bloody Williamson,
126–30; Patton,
In the Shadow of the Tipple,
34–36; Ruby B. Goodwin,
It’s Good to Be Black
(Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1953), 174–75.
Angle,
Bloody Williamson,
126–30; Patton,
In the Shadow of the Tipple,
34–36; Ruby B. Goodwin,
It’s Good to Be Black
(Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1953), 174–75.
56
Of course, it has always been easier for the white industrialist or mine operator to be more tolerant on race than for white workers. It’s in the capitalist’s immediate interest to hire anyone who will work for lower wages. African Americans have long constituted a reserve army of unemployed and underemployed labor, often willing to work at lower pay than whites. Sometimes capitalists hired African Americans for this reason and worked them alongside whites in the same jobs for lower pay, which of course had a chilling effect on white workers’ efforts to win higher wages. It’s also in owners’ interests to hire people who will work when others won’t, during a strike. Capitalists often found it easy to engage African Americans as strikebreakers. Blacks had little solidarity with white workers and their unions, since those same unions had shut them out of skilled jobs and restricted union membership to whites only. Hiring the best person for the job regardless of color also fits with the capitalist ethos and with the shards of anti-racist idealism that sometimes remained from the broken vessel of Republican abolitionism. Most important, after African Americans have been hired, the capitalist remains above his black employees—as well as his white employees—in social status, whereas the white worker is not above a black co-worker. Thus when the workplace integrates, the white worker is asked to give up white supremacy, while the capitalist is not.
Of course, it has always been easier for the white industrialist or mine operator to be more tolerant on race than for white workers. It’s in the capitalist’s immediate interest to hire anyone who will work for lower wages. African Americans have long constituted a reserve army of unemployed and underemployed labor, often willing to work at lower pay than whites. Sometimes capitalists hired African Americans for this reason and worked them alongside whites in the same jobs for lower pay, which of course had a chilling effect on white workers’ efforts to win higher wages. It’s also in owners’ interests to hire people who will work when others won’t, during a strike. Capitalists often found it easy to engage African Americans as strikebreakers. Blacks had little solidarity with white workers and their unions, since those same unions had shut them out of skilled jobs and restricted union membership to whites only. Hiring the best person for the job regardless of color also fits with the capitalist ethos and with the shards of anti-racist idealism that sometimes remained from the broken vessel of Republican abolitionism. Most important, after African Americans have been hired, the capitalist remains above his black employees—as well as his white employees—in social status, whereas the white worker is not above a black co-worker. Thus when the workplace integrates, the white worker is asked to give up white supremacy, while the capitalist is not.
57
Since these industries were among the few that employed African Americans, such occupational exclusion may have helped to cause the Great Retreat to the cities. But African Americans were no more likely to find jobs in these occupations in cities. I am also not persuaded that the rise of unions suffices to explain all-white towns and counties, because African Americans in such nonunion fields as domestics, barbers, janitors, haulers, and farmworkers also left.
Since these industries were among the few that employed African Americans, such occupational exclusion may have helped to cause the Great Retreat to the cities. But African Americans were no more likely to find jobs in these occupations in cities. I am also not persuaded that the rise of unions suffices to explain all-white towns and counties, because African Americans in such nonunion fields as domestics, barbers, janitors, haulers, and farmworkers also left.
58
Peterson, e-mail, 3/2004; Marc Karson and Ronald Radosh, “The AFL and the Negro Worker, 1894–1949,” in Julius Jacobson, ed.,
The Negro and the American Labor Movement
(Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor, 1968), 157–58.
CHAPTER 7: CATALYSTS AND ORIGIN MYTHSPeterson, e-mail, 3/2004; Marc Karson and Ronald Radosh, “The AFL and the Negro Worker, 1894–1949,” in Julius Jacobson, ed.,
The Negro and the American Labor Movement
(Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor, 1968), 157–58.
1
Chesterton Tribune,
7/24/1903.
Chesterton Tribune,
7/24/1903.
2
The census did find five individual African Americans, but black householders are the more important test of sundown policies.
The census did find five individual African Americans, but black householders are the more important test of sundown policies.
3
Emma Lou Thornbrough,
The Negro in Indiana
(Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Bureau, 1957), 226–27; Steve Byers, e-mail, 6/2002; history teacher, 4/2002.
Emma Lou Thornbrough,
The Negro in Indiana
(Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Bureau, 1957), 226–27; Steve Byers, e-mail, 6/2002; history teacher, 4/2002.
4
The Worker,
7/26/1903, quoted in Philip Foner and Ronald Lewis, eds.,
The Black Worker from 1900 to 1919
(Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980), 198; Andrew Kirchmeier, 4/2002.
The Worker,
7/26/1903, quoted in Philip Foner and Ronald Lewis, eds.,
The Black Worker from 1900 to 1919
(Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980), 198; Andrew Kirchmeier, 4/2002.
5
Ruby B. Goodwin,
It’s Good to Be Black
(Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1953); “Gentleman of Color Elected Alderman,”
Herrin News,
4/25/1918, 4.
Ruby B. Goodwin,
It’s Good to Be Black
(Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1953); “Gentleman of Color Elected Alderman,”
Herrin News,
4/25/1918, 4.
6
Paul M. Angle,
Bloody Williamson
(New York: Knopf, 1952), 97–109; Herbert Gutman, “The Negro and the UMW,” in Julius Jacobson,
The Negro and the American Labor Movement
(Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor, 1968), 49.
Paul M. Angle,
Bloody Williamson
(New York: Knopf, 1952), 97–109; Herbert Gutman, “The Negro and the UMW,” in Julius Jacobson,
The Negro and the American Labor Movement
(Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor, 1968), 49.
7
Nebraska Writers’ Project,
The Negroes of Nebraska
(Omaha: Urban League, 1940), 10; Philip Jenkins, e-mail, 8/2002; Gutman, “The Negro and the UMW,” 99.
Nebraska Writers’ Project,
The Negroes of Nebraska
(Omaha: Urban League, 1940), 10; Philip Jenkins, e-mail, 8/2002; Gutman, “The Negro and the UMW,” 99.
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