The Fantastic Laboratory of Dr. Weigl: How Two Brave Scientists Battled Typhus and Sabotaged the Nazis (53 page)

The first vaccination series
:
Weigl, “Methoden,” 52–55.

The total was reduced
:
Eyer, “Rudolf Weigl und die aetiologische Fleckfieberbekämpfung,”
Münchener medizinische Wochenschrift
109 (1967): 2185–91.

By the end of 1933
:
Adam Finkel, “Über das zytologische Blutbild bei läusefütternden Personen,”
Archiv für Innere Medizin
25 (1934): 49–66.

“
Lice feeders must be
”:
Sparrow and Maurice Huet, “L’élevage du pou au laboratoire,”
Archives de l’Institut Pasteur de Tunis
37 (1960): 323.

They also had to be
:
Finkel, “Blutbild,” 64.

Weigl was an idiosyncratic
:
Hermann Eyer, “In Memoriam Rudolf Weigl,”
Zentralblatt für Bakteriologie, Parasitenkunde, Infektionskrankheiten und Hygiene
171 (1958): 358.

He neither requested nor received
:
Wacław Szybalski, interview with author, July 2011; Wiktor Weigl, “Moim Ojcu.”

If he used the formal
:
Stefan Kry
ski, “Kartki 29,” in
Kartki ze wspomnie
starego profesora
(Gda
sk: Akademia Medycyna 2006), accessed at lwow.home.pl/weigl/krynski.html.

By then, however, Weigl
:
Kry
ski, “Kartki 29.”

As they walked away
:
Wiktor Weigl, “Moim Ojcu.”

The rooms were painted gold
:
Kry
ski, “Kartki 29.”

Armed Poles repaid
:
Svjatoslav Pacholkiv, “Zwischen Einbeziehung und Ausgrenzung: Die Juden in Lemberg, 1918–1919,” in Alexandra Binnenkade et al.,
Vertraut und fremd zugleich: Jüdisch-christliche Nachbarschaften in Warschau—Lengnau—Lemberg
(Cologne: Böhlau, 2009), 172–87.

In Lwów, the delegates found
:
Arthur L. Goodhart,
Poland and the Minority Races
(New York: Brentano’s, 1920), 24, 142.

Yet the demonstrations were
:
Arnon Rubin,
Against All Odds: Facing the Holocaust
(Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University Press, 2009), 6–10.

People in the procession
:
Antony Polonsky, “A Failed Pogrom,” in
The Jews of Poland between the Two World Wars
, ed. Yisrael Gutman et al. (Hanover, NH: Brandeis University Press, 1989), 110–19.

But Banach’s wife
:
Frank Stiffel, interview with author, Jan. 2011; S. M. Ulam,
Adventures of a Mathematician
(New York: Scribner’s, 1976), 107.

For Jews, the interwar
:
“Interwar Poland: Good for the Jews or Bad for the Jews?,” in
The Jews in Poland
, ed. C. Abramsky et al. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986), 130–39.

Few Jews joined
:
Jim Tuck,
Engine of Mischief: An Analytical Biography of Karl Radek
(New York: Greenwood Press, 1988), 3–6.

Up until the start
:
Pacholkiv, “Zwischen,” 163.

Eleven of 600
:
Samuel Drix,
Witness to Annihilation: Surviving the Holocaust: A Memoir
(Washington: Brassey’s, 1994), 10–11.

When a nationalist student
:
Mark Kac,
Enigmas of Chance: An Autobiography
(New York: Harper & Row, 1985), 34–35.

Yet it is worth
:
Christoph Mick,
Kriegserfahrungen in einer multiethnischen Stadt: Lemberg 1914–1947
(Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2011), 411.

The growth of institutional
:
Władysław Kunicki-Goldfinger to Schnelle, Aug. 27, 1978, LFZ, Unterlagen und Notizen von Thomas Schnelle; Signatur 100, Fragebogen von Thomas Schnelle, 1978–1979.

Fleck joined an
:
YVA, Concentration Camp Inmates Questionnaire, “Ludwik Fleck, #4934,” courtesy of International Tracing Service.

His lectures
:
“Records of the Jewish Medical Society, Lwow,” USHMM, RG 31.04M, reel 5, various frames.

In 1933, Fleck sent
:
Ludwik Fleck, “Briefwechsel mit Moritz Schlick,” in
Denkstile
, 561–65.

“
Poor Poland, you are
”:
Wiktor Chajes,
Semper Fidelis: Pami
tnik Polaka wyznania mojzeszowego z lat 1926–1939
(Kraków: Ksi
garnia Akademicka, 1997), entry for Jan. 12, 1936.

“In that case,” Weigl said
:
Wiktor Weigl, “Moim Ojcu.”

They set up their first
:
Ibid.; Szybalski, interview with author.

Chapter 4: The Nazi Doctors and the Shape of Things to Come

In 1935, the year
:
BA Signatur DY55/28 Gesch-Z 4/0955; Genzken, “SS Personal Bericht,” Signatur VBS286 Archivsignatur 6400041387.

When Himmler heard
:
Weindling,
Epidemics
, 338.

Obersturmbannführer
Joachim
:
Florian Bruns, “Staatshygiene und Menschenversuche: Das medizinische Ethos des Joachim Mrugow-sky,” in
Medizinethik im Nationalsozialismus: Entwicklungen und Protagonisten in Berlin (1939–1945)
(Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 2009), 135.

Ding spent the better
:
Some of Ding’s correspondence, 1934–44, is contained in a cache of personal and work-related papers brought to Belgium by a Buchenwald survivor that were found in 2009 at the archive of the Direction Générale des Victimes de la Guerre, in Brussels. This collection is hereafter cited as DGVG-Ding.

Schuler, she told
:
Else Braun to Oberstlt. Knothe, Nov. 28, 1915, DGVG-Ding, in brown folder, “personal”; Otto Petersohn to Ding, Dec. 20, 1942.

The Dings adopted Erwin
:
BA Signatur DY55/28 Gesch–Z 4/0955.

That year he also
:
BA VBS286 Archivsignatur 6400041387; Ding to Lotte Barthel, July 4, 1942, DGVG-Ding, green folder, “Dr. Ding, SS Untersturmführer.”

Erwin Ding, 23 years old
:
BA Signatur DY55/28 Gesch–Z 4/0955; BA VBS283 Archivsignatur 6055002585.

The Schuler family
:
Ding to Genzken, May 12, 1939, DGVG-Ding, in unmarked box.

“
From my earliest school days
”:
Feb. 2, 1938, letter to Interior Ministry, DGVG-Ding, in green folder, “Dr. Ding, SS Untersturmführer.” Also see Sept. 3, 1939, letter to Maria von Schuler in same folder.

“
Poland was literally sick
”:
Hirszfeld,
One Life
, 160.

Fleck’s friend Chwistek
:
“Ein interesantes Buch,” in Fleck,
Denkstile
, 606.

In Lwów, Fleck was
:
“Records of the Jewish Medical Society,” USHMM 31.040M, reel 5.

“
The deeper in the woods
”:
Ilana Löwy,
Medical Acts and Medical Facts: The Polish Tradition of Practice-Grounded Reflections on Medicine and Science
(Kraków: Académie Polonaise des Sciences, 2000), 106.

No matter how science
:
Fleck,
Genesis
, 45, 54, 101–2.

Thought collectives consisted of
:
Ibid., 105–6.

“
The special mood of the thought
”:
Ibid., 107–8.

Democracy, he said
:
Ibid., 105–6.

The parent, meanwhile, would simply
:
Ibid., 113–15.