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Authors: George Daughan

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Oliver Hazard Perry was the last obstacle Gordon had to face. Perry had hastily thrown up a battery at Indian Head, Maryland, with a single eighteen-pounder in it that arrived thirty minutes before Gordon appeared. Perry had little ammunition and started firing right away. Militiamen working with him had six-pounders, and they kept up a spirited fire. All the ammunition was quickly expended, however, and Perry and the militiamen were forced to retire under heavy fire from Gordon’s ships. The exchange went on for an hour. Perry had one man wounded during the fight.
Before Gordon extricated himself from the Potomac completely, Admiral Cochrane received word that Gordon might be in trouble and began moving his big fleet toward the river on September 7. The next day the fleet was in the Potomac, making its way slowly upstream. Cochrane and his big ships were twenty miles from the mouth of the river on September 9, when Gordon suddenly appeared triumphantly with twenty-one prizes and the bomb ships and rocket vessel that were indispensable for an attack on Baltimore, or another place like Rhode Island, which Cochrane was considering.
In the end, Rodgers, Porter, and Perry put up as spirited a fight as they could with almost no resources, and they made an important contribution to the war by delaying Gordon and Cochrane, which gave other cities that were under the gun, like Baltimore, additional time to prepare their defenses.
Even Boston was finally realizing that the threat of a British invasion was real. Alexandria was known as a Federalist city with pro-English sympathies, but that had not saved it from a thorough looting by Gordon.
 
 
WHILE GORDON WAS on his diversionary raid up the Potomac, Captain Sir Peter Parker had been busy with his diversion as well. He wrote to Admiral Cochrane that he had “been continually employed in reconnoitering the harbors and coves and sounding the Bay and acting for the annoyance of the enemy.” He found Annapolis practically defenseless and thought it could be taken easily. He also reconnoitered near Baltimore.
On August 30, after he had written to Cochrane, Parker became engaged in a sharp fight with Maryland militiamen near Chestertown, Maryland. He led a charge against what he thought were 500 militiamen, but were in fact fewer than 100. Whatever their number, he was confident they would run, as militiamen had several times before when he challenged them. This time, however, they stood their ground. Parker had 104 men armed with bayonets, pikes, and pistols. He attacked the militiamen at Caulk’s Field near Chestertown around eleven o’clock during a dark night. Early in the action, Parker was shot and killed. His men fought on, uncertain how big a force they were fighting. Eventually, the Maryland militiamen ran out of ammunition and pulled back, but the British, believing they were up against a much larger force, did as well, retreating to their ship, the
Menelaus
. During the fracas, no Americans were killed; 3 were wounded. The British had 14 killed and 27 wounded.
 
 
AFTER THE WASHINGTON and Alexandria disasters, some Federalists felt vindicated. They had predicted blows of this kind, and they were not reluctant to say, “We told you so.” “The Federalists now have great consolation that they always with all their might opposed this war,” the
Salem Gazette
wrote. “They supplicated and entreated that it might not be declared, for they foresaw and foretold the ruin and misery and disgrace it would inevitably bring upon the nation.”
Most of the country, however, was appalled and angry at the wanton destruction of the capital, as were Europeans. The French were loud in their condemnation of the desecration of Washington. Even some British newspapers were disgusted by what had happened.
 
 
WASHINGTON WASN’T THE only place Cochrane’s squadrons were attacking. On April 7–8, 1814, the British sent a raiding party up the Connecticut River to Essex (then known as Pettipaug Point) and destroyed twenty-seven vessels without suffering any losses.
On May 22, Commodore Sir Thomas Masterman Hardy sailed his flagship
Ramillies
from its station off the eastern end of Long Island to Narragansett Bay near Boston. Seven days later, he transferred to the frigate
Nymph
and sailed up the coast to Portsmouth, New Hampshire, to ascertain if an attack on the battleship
Washington
, under construction there, was feasible. Hardy did not want to use the 74-gun
Ramillies
to reconnoiter for fear it would alarm the countryside and warn Isaac Hull.
On June 16, Hardy reported back to Cochrane that after a thorough reconnaissance, he believed the
Washington
could be easily destroyed. Hull had done everything he could to prepare a defense with extremely limited resources. He was getting little support from either the state government or the national government. Armstrong did not think Portsmouth needed help. Cochrane decided to postpone the project, however, even though he knew that destroying the battleship would be popular in England. The
Times
of London would certainly have loudly applauded.
Cochrane had a more important assignment for Hardy—seizing Moose Island in Passamaquoddy Bay. The important harbor of East port was on the island, and Cochrane had orders from Bathurst to occupy it. Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Pilkington sailed from Halifax in the sloop
Martin
, and on July 7 he met Hardy in the
Ramillies
. Hardy was coming from Bermuda accompanied by two troop transports, which carried six hundred men, and the bomb vessel
Terror
. Pilkington landed at Eastport, in the Maine District of Massachusetts, and took over Moose Island. The eighty-six American defenders at Fort Sullivan, led by Major Perley Putnam, reluctantly surrendered on July 11 without a fight. Putnam had no other choice.
Raids were continuing in Boston Harbor. When the 38-gun
Nymph
, under Captain Famery P. Epworth, returned from her scouting trip to Portsmouth and was back at her station off Boston, she immediately went on the attack. “On the night of 20–21 June the
Nymphe
’s sailing master and a small party rowed from the frigate into Boston Harbor to burn a sloop ‘within a mile’ of the
Constitution
,” Commodore Bainbridge reported. He was commandant of the Boston Navy Yard and had to worry about not only the
Constitution
but also the 74-gun
Independence
, which was under construction. The Admiralty wanted both destroyed. Bainbridge also had responsibility for protecting Boston Harbor and the city. He got no help from the ultrafederalists in Boston, but most ordinary people supported him. In another daring raid on July 7, armed barges from the
Nymphe
managed to cut out five more small sloops.
British raids in the summer and fall of 1814 in New England were extensive. They struck in the district of Maine and in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode Island. Both Wareham and Situate in Massachusetts were attacked. No place was safe. The
Bulwark
raided Saco, Maine, on June 16. Bath and Wiscasset in Maine were attacked the day before, and Rye, New Hampshire, was threatened.
A particularly vicious raid was conducted against Stonington, Connecticut. Rear Admiral Henry Hotham, commander of the blockading squadron off Long Island, was obliged to carry out Cochrane’s order to lay waste to towns, and he set his sights on Stonington. Hotham ordered Captain Hardy, who had just returned from Maine, to do the job. Hardy found the whole business distasteful: he thought that attacking defenseless towns was both cowardly and stupid. Nonetheless, he carried out his instructions and bombarded Stonington—an innocent place that had no strategic value—beginning on the evening of August 9. Hardy employed the 38-gun frigate
Pactolus
, the 20-gun brig
Dispatch
, the bomb vessel
Terror
, and barges from the
Ramillies
. The shelling went on for about four hours, ending at midnight. The townspeople bravely defended Stonington with three cannon. They were helped immeasurably when 3,000 Connecticut militiamen arrived to defend the fort that had been firing fruitlessly at the warships.
The bombardment resumed the next day for several hours. The British ships were joined by the
Ramillies
and the 18-gun
Nimrod
. Later, Hardy suspended the attack and did not resume until the afternoon of August 11, when the
Terror
threw shells into the town sporadically until evening. The following day, the
Terror
resumed her desultory shelling until noon, when Hardy called off the attack and left, greatly embarrassed.
Of far greater importance, the British initiated a large-scale invasion of eastern Maine. On August 26 Lieutenant General Sir John. C. Sherbrooke, the governor of Nova Scotia, and Rear Admiral Edward Griffith left Halifax with twenty-four ships and 2,500 men for the assault. Griffith’s squadron included the 74-gun
Dragon
, under Captain Robert Barrie; the 74-gun
Bulwark
; the frigates
Endymion
,
Bacchante
, and
Tenedos
; the sloop
Sylph
; and two brigs,
Rifleman
and
Peruvian
. Sherbrooke’s men landed unopposed at Castine in Penobscot Bay on September 1. Twelve thousand men suitable for military service were in the northeastern part of Maine, but Madison’s war was not popular there, and the militias were poorly organized. Sherbrooke met no opposition. The tiny American garrison of regulars at Castine destroyed their small fort and withdrew up the Penobscot River. Sherbrooke then sent amphibious forces against Belfast, Hamden, Bangor, and Machias. Soon all of eastern Maine, from the Penobscot River to Passamaquoddy Bay, was in British hands. Federalists in Boston liked to think that the people of eastern Maine welcomed the British, but the general sentiment was more one of neutrality and a wish that the war would be over. Sherbrooke soon annexed the captured territory, and the
Times
was positively gleeful. “The district we speak of is the most valuable in the United States for fishing establishments,” the editors wrote, “and has a coast of 60 leagues abounding in excellent harbors, from whence much lumber is sent to Europe and the West Indies.”
By the end of August 1814 Admiral Cochrane’s raids had been eminently successful. He had captured and burned the American capital and embarrassed Madison, and he had acquired a large chunk of Maine with no opposition. Smaller raids along the coast had also gone well. More importantly, his attacks did not unite Federalists and Republicans, as might have been expected; the country remained divided. The political parties were as bitterly opposed to one another as they had always been, perhaps even more so. Madison was desperately trying to hold the country together and continue the war. But his chances of withstanding the British invasions that were coming from the north and the south appeared extremely poor. Admiral Cochrane, on the other hand, as he prepared to tackle Baltimore and then New Orleans, was flush with victory, his confidence at a high level.
CHAPTER TWENTY-FIVE
 
The War at Sea Continues in 1814
 
W
HILE JOSHUA BARNEY, John Rodgers, David Porter, Oliver Hazard Perry, and their colleagues were engaged in fighting Cochrane’s raids along the eastern seaboard, the blue-water fleet was still active, getting to sea and performing missions that would win it even more esteem from the Royal Navy. The growing respect commanded by the American fleet would be one of the more important outcomes of the war. The actions of single ships at sea might have appeared to have little relevance to the outcome of the war, but in fact they were of great consequence. Not every cruise was successful, but those that were had a decided impact on British views about the potency of American arms. London’s newfound respect for the American navy would be an important factor in shaping the peace to come.
On the afternoon of December 31, 1813, during a wintry gale, Charles Stewart ran the
Constitution
out of Boston. The blockaders had been blown off their station. As Stewart raced out to sea, he shaped a course for the northern coast of South America, and on January 14 he encountered two strange sails. The first turned out to be an American schooner, and he never caught up with the second. The next day he encountered a warship that turned out to be Portuguese. The remainder of January was just as frustrating. On February 1 lookouts spied a sail off Georgetown, Guyana, and gave chase, but when she ran too close to shore, Stewart turned away. Two days later, he finally spied a British warship, the 18-gun
Mosquito
. Her captain threw on all sail and ran in close to shore, where the water was too shallow for the
Constitution
to follow. Stewart had to back off once more. On February 8 he chased the 18-gun brig HMS
Columbine
, but he could not catch her before dark, and she escaped.
 
Figure 25.1: Irwin Bevan,
Escape of the
Constitution
, 3 April 1814
(courtesy of Mariner’s Museum, Newport News, Virginia).

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